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U.S. Diplomat's Letter of Resignation February 27, 2003 The following is the text of John Brady Kiesling's letter of resignation to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell. Mr. Kiesling is a career diplomat who has served in United States embassies from Tel Aviv to Casablanca to Yerevan. Dear Mr. Secretary: I am writing you to submit my resignation from the Foreign Service of the United States and from my position as Political Counselor in U.S. Embassy Athens, effective March 7. I do so with a heavy heart. The baggage of my upbringing included a felt obligation to give something back to my country. Service as a U.S. diplomat was a dream job. I was paid to understand foreign languages and cultures, to seek out diplomats, politicians, scholars and journalists, and to persuade them that U.S. interests and theirs fundamentally coincided. My faith in my country and its values was the most powerful weapon in my diplomatic arsenal. It is inevitable that during twenty years with the State Department I would become more sophisticated and cynical about the narrow and selfish bureaucratic motives that sometimes shaped our policies. Human nature is what it is, and I was rewarded and promoted for understanding human nature. But until this Administration it had been possible to believe that by upholding the policies of my president I was also upholding the interests of the American people and the world. I believe it no longer. The policies we are now asked to advance are incompatible not only with American values but also with American interests. Our fervent pursuit of war with Iraq is driving us to squander the international legitimacy that has been America's most potent weapon of both offense and defense since the days of Woodrow Wilson. We have begun to dismantle the largest and most effective web of international relationships the world has ever known. Our current course will bring instability and danger, not security. The sacrifice of global interests to domestic politics and to bureaucratic self-interest is nothing new, and it is certainly not a uniquely American problem. Still, we have not seen such systematic distortion of intelligence, such systematic manipulation of American opinion, since the war in Vietnam. The September 11 tragedy left us stronger than before, rallying around us a vast international coalition to cooperate for the first time in a systematic way against the threat of terrorism. But rather than take credit for those successes and build on them, this Administration has chosen to make terrorism a domestic political tool, enlisting a scattered and largely defeated Al Qaeda as its bureaucratic ally. We spread disproportionate terror and confusion in the public mind, arbitrarily linking the unrelated problems of terrorism and Iraq. The result, and perhaps the motive, is to justify a vast misallocation of shrinking public wealth to the military and to weaken the safeguards that protect American citizens from the heavy hand of government. September 11 did not do as much damage to the fabric of American society as we seem determined to so to ourselves. Is the Russia of the late Romanovs really our model, a selfish, superstitious empire thrashing toward self-destruction in the name of a doomed status quo? We should ask ourselves why we have failed to persuade more of the world that a war with Iraq is necessary. We have over the past two years done too much to assert to our world partners that narrow and mercenary U.S. interests override the cherished values of our partners. Even where our aims were not in question, our consistency is at issue. The model of Afghanistan is little comfort to allies wondering on what basis we plan to rebuild the Middle East, and in whose image and interests. Have we indeed become blind, as Russia is blind in Chechnya, as Israel is blind in the Occupied Territories, to our own advice, that overwhelming military power is not the answer to terrorism? After the shambles of post-war Iraq joins the shambles in Grozny and Ramallah, it will be a brave foreigner who forms ranks with Micronesia to follow where we lead. We have a coalition still, a good one. The loyalty of many of our friends is impressive, a tribute to American moral capital built up over a century. But our closest allies are persuaded less that war is justified than that it would be perilous to allow the U.S. to drift into complete solipsism. Loyalty should be reciprocal. Why does our President condone the swaggering and contemptuous approach to our friends and allies this Administration is fostering, including among its most senior officials. Has "oderint dum metuant" really become our motto? I urge you to listen to America's friends around the world. Even here in Greece, purported hotbed of European anti-Americanism, we have more and closer friends than the American newspaper reader can possibly imagine. Even when they complain about American arrogance, Greeks know that the world is a difficult and dangerous place, and they want a strong international system, with the U.S. and EU in close partnership. When our friends are afraid of us rather than for us, it is time to worry. And now they are afraid. Who will tell them convincingly that the United States is as it was, a beacon of liberty, security, and justice for the planet? Mr. Secretary, I have enormous respect for your character and ability. You have preserved more international credibility for us than our policy deserves, and salvaged something positive from the excesses of an ideological and self-serving Administration. But your loyalty to the President goes too far. We are straining beyond its limits an international system we built with such toil and treasure, a web of laws, treaties, organizations, and shared values that sets limits on our foes far more effectively than it ever constrained America's ability to defend its interests. I am resigning because I have tried and failed to reconcile my conscience with my ability to represent the current U.S. Administration. I have confidence that our democratic process is ultimately self-correcting, and hope that in a small way I can contribute from outside to shaping policies that better serve the security and prosperity of the American people and the world we share. http://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/27/international/27WEB- TNAT.html?ex=10474619 76&ei=1&en=1c23c8acb10df8d7

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by None 07 Feb '23

07 Feb '23

obsession. That is, an approach incapable of seeing the relationship = between the policies of migration and the increasing trade off, due to = globalisation, between northern and southern nations; and again, an = approach that subordinates the fundamental human rights to the needs of = the labour market and to the interests of economics.=20 Even though various proposals about the integration of the migrants and = about the asylum question have been discussed, the only certain measures = that the EU has adopted are the ones destined to underpin the European = fortress and to foster repressive politics: these measures indeed have = been presented as the pivotal tool for fighting against illegal = immigration and to govern migrations.=20 As it appears evident, the guarantee of the rights of citizenship for = foreign people, but also for the people regularly fixed on a territory = constitutes the last concern of Europe. The notion of European = citizenship, proposed for the European Chart of Right is indeed a very = narrow conception of citizenship: it is only conferred to native = citizens. The millions of migrants that reside in Europe permanently and = that contribute to the European cultural and economic wealth are = destined to be lacking rights: at the most they could, in some = countries, benefit from the permission of limited, conditioned and = partial rights. The role of the movements=20 The movement of the Italian migrants has been capable of combining in = the last year the protest against the segregationist logic of = Berlusconi's government, that proposes the judicial social, civil and = political apartheid of migrants; the refusal of the reduction of = migrants to labour goods with the defence of the rights of the Italian = and foreigners workers; the fight against the neo-liberal globalisation = e the demand of a free circulation of people; the claim of a different = system of re-distribution of the world wealth together with the defence = of the basic human rights.=20 This capacity of putting in its proper context the theme of the rights = of citizenship and of the rights of the migrants in the agenda of the = movement against globalisation constitutes the most relevant news. The = theme of migration has finally come to be taken by the movement as a = cross-cutting question, connected to the processes of the re-structuring = and de-structuring of the labour market and to the policies of welfare = demolition.=20 The European Social Forum allows us nowadays to make a huge improvement: = the construction of a European movement of migrants and for the rights = of migrants, able to oppose to the idea of 'Europe as exclusion' an = alternative 'open Europe', the latter being a multicultural, = 'half-breed', built upon radically different principles, like as: - the guarantee of the right to migrate and to enter Europe;=20 - the free circulation for everybody, including the citizens of = 'third countries'; - The regularisation of all the 'sans-papier'; - the idea of an 'inclusive' citizenship, which has to be not only = formal , but also civil and social and, so being, able to guarantee = civil, social and political rights to all the people that live in a = specific territory permanently; - the guarantee of an equality of rights for all the work-force = and the introduction of measures for the safeguard of the exploitation = of foreign workers (included those precarious and/or without contract); - the guarantee of the right to ask for asylum. It's our opinion that our debate in Florence should be focused = analitically on three pivotal themes. First of all, the new regime of = borders that has spread over Europe in the last decade, the = repercussions of which on both the outside (the so-called 'domino = effect' through which it moves towards east and south, firstly involving = those countries which are prospective EU members) and the inside = (flourishing of detention centres and expulsion systems and tendency to = introduce hierarchies in European societies). Second thing, the movements of migrant people and for the rights of = migrants which already exist in Europe; we have to focus upon their = features, their spheres of action and forms of demonstration. Finally, = we have to discuss the migrant labour in its increasing relevance for = the composition of the European workforce and the experience of = mobilisation that are growing bigger everywhere, from Spain to Italy.=20 We propose that those who are going to take part in the Florence = Assembly discuss together the necessity of building a European movement = for the rights of migrant people through which promoting initiatives, = mobilisations and common campaigns next year. It has to be not yet = another formally organised network but, rather, a real channel of = political communication and exchange of knowledge, experiences and = fights. As to us, we will indicate three crucial points concerning which = the movement should express itself in Europe.=20 The right to migrate=20 No economic, political and social reasons can justify the deprivation of = the freedom to emigrate, which is acknowledged to everybody by the = articles 13 and 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Should = a campaign having as its main priority the introduction of mechanisms = for the permanent regularisation of those able to constitute a basis for = social integration be put into effect, the order of priorities in the = European agenda would be overturned. The rights of migrants cannot be = subordinated to the interests of the work donor. The policies for = entrance cannot be made contingent. And the militarization of the = borders fosters the traffic of human beings, the irregular immigration = and the concealed labour, instead of fighting them. No detention=20 Detention centres are the symbol of the neoliberal policies of = criminalisation of migrants: in Woomera (Australia) and Sangatte = (France), Ponte Galeria (Rome) and Malaga (Spain), Machester (UK) and = Zurich (Swiss), they are always places of suspension of the rights and = one of the principal means by virtue of which the governments try to = render repressive policies against the migrants effective. Women and men are detained for months in jails, guarded by military = forces and bounded by barded wire, just because they are guilty of = having sought a better life. We propose a European campaign for closing such centres of detention and = blocking the construction of new structures (in Turin, in November the = 30th 2002, a street demonstration against one of these centres will take = place).=20 The right of asylum=20 Since the Gulf war, the world governments have decided to re-legitimate = the use of war as an instrument for the resolution of international = controversies. The intervention in Kosovo determined the introduction = of the allegedly 'humanitarian war'. And after September the 11th, they = have contrived a device for justifying, once again, the indiscriminate = use of weapons against the civilians: the so-called 'preventive war'. But the refugees and the people asking for asylum -who, for the great = majority, are the direct consequences of these wars- have their right of = asylum denied every single day. We propose to start a European campaign = for the effective guarantee of the right of asylum for all those who are = persecuted for political reasons, regardless of the nature of the = prosecutor. This campaign should ask the EU to adopt policies that bound = the member states to uniform their systems of reception and policies of = integration of people asking for asylum and refugees as soon as = possible.=20 We invite all the organisations and European movements which are = interested in taking part to the Florence Assembly -that will take place = on November the 8th from 18 to 21 inside the Fortezza da Basso - to send = us their contributes. In a preparatory meeting, on November the 7th in = the Arci Centre in Piazza dei Ciompi 11 at 12 am, we are going to meet = each other and organise the main event together. Hence, we strongly = believe that everybody should immediately make both comments and = criticisms to our own proposal and short info sheets on specific, = 'local' situations known to all the others.=20 ------=_NextPart_000_00C9_01C28190.AAC66E40 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable <!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN"> <HTML><HEAD> <META http-equiv=3DContent-Type content=3D"text/html; = charset=3Diso-8859-1"> <META content=3D"MSHTML 5.50.4522.1800" name=3DGENERATOR> <STYLE></STYLE> </HEAD> <BODY bgColor=3D#ffffff> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV style=3D"FONT: 10pt arial">----- Original Message -----=20 <DIV style=3D"BACKGROUND: #e4e4e4; font-color: black">From: <A=20 title=3Dnetworkasilo.ics(a)tin.it = href=3D"mailto:networkasilo.ics@tin.it">ICS -=20 network asilo</A> </DIV> <DIV>To: <A title=3DUndisclosed-Recipient:;=20 href=3D"mailto:Undisclosed-Recipient:;">Undisclosed-Recipient:;</A> = </DIV> <DIV>Sent: Thursday, October 31, 2002 1:01 PM</DIV> <DIV>Subject: (ICS news asilo - 31/10/2002) - Documento Tavolo=20 Migranti</DIV></DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV>Carissimi,</DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV>vi inoltriamo il testo del documento = del tavolo=20 migranti dei Social Forum Italiani, preparatorio all'assemblea europea = dei=20 migranti che si terra' a Firenze in occasione del Forum Sociale=20 Europeo.</DIV> <DIV>Ringraziamo Grazia Naletto di Lunaria = per avercelo=20 inviato.</DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV>Cordiali saluti</DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV>Maria Silvia Olivieri</DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV align=3Dcenter>Forum Sociale Europeo Assemblea = europea dei=20 migranti Firenze, Fortezza da Basso, 8 novembre 2002 h. 18.00-20.30=20 Documento preparatorio del Tavolo migranti dei Social Forum=20 Italiani </DIV>In Italia, come in molti = altri=20 paesi europei, come in Australia e negli Stati Uniti, i governi hanno = assunto=20 ormai da tempo come priorit=E0 la predisposizione, l’affinamento e = l’armonizzazione di politiche nazionali e regionali di chiusura = delle frontiere=20 e di lotta alla “immigrazione clandestina”. Il = superamento del modello=20 "fordista" di produzione, la riduzione dell'offerta di lavoro nel = settore=20 industriale tradizionale, il rallentamento dei processi di crescita = delle=20 principali economie, il conseguente aumento della disoccupazione=20 all'interno degli stessi paesi del cosiddetto Primo mondo spingono gli = Stati=20 economicamente pi=F9 forti a controllare e limitare la circolazione di = lavoratori.=20 Oltre a queste ragioni strutturali, va considerata la tendenza ormai = consolidata=20 nella gran parte dei paesi europei a fare un uso politico e ideologico = del tema=20 del controllo e della limitazione dell’immigrazione:  i = topoi=20 razzisti  dell’ “invasione”, degli immigrati = come fonte di insicurezza=20 per i nazionali, della “clandestinit=E0” come sinonimo di = criminalit=E0 sono=20 abitualmente adoperati come “moneta” da spendere sul mercato = elettorale,=20 utilizzata a piene mani dai partiti di destra, ma contesa anche da = partiti di=20 sinistra. Tutto ci=F2 avviene mentre nei tanti Sud ed Est del = mondo il=20 processo di globalizzazione ha favorito e continua a determinare la = crisi e=20 l'indebolimento delle economie locali, l'aumento dei tassi di povert=E0, = con la=20 conseguente moltiplicazione dei cosiddetti effetti di = “spinta” alle migrazioni,=20 nonch=E9 con l'aumento del numero dei paesi di emigrazione. Non solo. Al = tempo=20 stesso, i movimenti migratori degli ultimi anni mostrano un grado = crescente di=20 relativa autonomia, configurandosi spesso come una vera e propria = strategia di organizzazione “dal basso”, in una dimensione = “transnazionale”,=20 della riproduzione sociale di ampi settori “subalterni” in = paesi che il comando=20 capitalistico continua a confinare alla periferia del sistema = globale. La=20 contraddizione esistente tra il carattere strutturale del fenomeno = migratorio=20 (prodotto proprio dall'attuale modello di sviluppo) e le politiche di = chiusura=20 adottate dai governi dei paesi pi=F9 ricchi =E8 accentuata dal processo = di=20 segmentazione della domanda di lavoro: anche in presenza di = disoccupazione,=20 permane nei paesi “ricchi” del pianeta uno squilibrio tra = domanda e offerta di=20 lavoro locale soprattutto nelle fasce pi=F9 instabili, precarie e a = bassa=20 qualificazione del mercato del lavoro. In Malesia, in Europa, in = Argentina come=20 negli Stati Uniti, i migranti sono prevalentemente chiamati ad occupare = l’area=20 di quella che in modo elegante viene definita “economia = informale”, ma che molto=20 spesso coincide con il mondo del lavoro nero o tutt’al pi=F9 = precario,=20 caratterizzato dall’assenza di una formalizzazione del rapporto di = lavoro e=20 delle “garanzie” che ne derivano. E’ proprio per = queste ragioni che, dal punto=20 di vista della globalizzazione capitalistica, non vi =E8 contraddizione = tra=20 l’adozione di politiche di chiusura all’immigrazione e la = persistenza di una=20 domanda di lavoro non soddisfatta dall’offerta interna. Le = politiche di chiusura=20 delle frontiere, la restrizione dei canali di ingresso regolare, la=20 precarizzazione della condizione giuridica degli stranieri attraverso=20 l’irrigidimento delle norme sul soggiorno, il mancato = riconoscimento dei diritti=20 di cittadinanza, sono funzionali all’utilizzo dei migranti come = manodopera a=20 basso costo, altamente ricattabile e dunque pi=F9 = “flessibile” e facilmente=20 “espellibile”. Presentate come lo strumento principale per = combattere=20 l’immigrazione irregolare, le politiche anti-immigrazione dei = governi mondiali=20 non fanno altro che alimentarla. Occorre dunque prendere atto che le=20 migrazioni internazionali hanno assunto un carattere strutturale e sono = parte=20 integrante dell'attuale modello di sviluppo economico e allo stesso = tempo=20 ribadire che =E8 sbagliato parlare di una loro esplosione. I governi del = mondo ne=20 sono ben consapevoli ma hanno tutto l’interesse ad adottare = politiche=20 restrittive perch=E9 vogliono mantenere la libert=E0 di assorbire o = espellere=20 manodopera straniera a basso costo e ci=F2 =E8 pi=F9 facile impedendo = agli immigrati=20 di entrare legalmente sul proprio territorio e negando loro uno status = giuridico=20 certo. L’illegalit=E0 costringe i migranti ad accettare qualsiasi = lavoro, a=20 qualsiasi condizione, permette di escluderli dai sistemi di protezione = sociale e=20 di negare politiche di integrazione. Le politiche migratorie a = livello=20 globale sono dunque caratterizzate da una limitazione (totale o = parziale) delle=20 migrazioni economiche legali, dalla moltiplicazione delle cause di = respingimento=20 alla frontiera e di espulsione, dalla negazione sostanziale del diritto = di asilo=20 riconosciuto dalla Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951, dalla concentrazione = di=20 risorse pubbliche nel rafforzamento delle forze di polizia alle = frontiere, dalla=20 carenza di politiche pubbliche di accoglienza e di integrazione e dallo=20 smantellamento di quelle esistenti, dalla costruzione di quelli che in = Italia si=20 chiamano centri di permanenza temporanea, ma in Australia e in Gran = Bretagna=20 sono pi=F9 esplicitamente definiti “centri di detenzione”: = veri e propri campi, in=20 cui vengono detenuti immigrati, ma anche richiedenti asilo, che non = hanno=20 commesso nessun reato ma hanno l’unica “colpa” di non = avere il permesso di=20 soggiorno. Le politiche=20 europee L’impegno a = “comunitarizzare” le politiche in=20 materia di immigrazione e asilo nell’arco di cinque anni risale = all’entrata in=20 vigore del Trattato di Amsterdam (maggio 1999). Ma l’unico = versante su cui i=20 governi dell’Unione Europea sembrano agire in sintonia, sia a = livello politico=20 che tecnico, e ancora prima di una effettiva armonizzazione delle = politiche a=20 livello formale, =E8 quello delle politiche di ammissione e di = “lotta=20 all’immigrazione illegale”. Da Tampere a Siviglia questa = =E8 stata, senza=20 soluzione di continuit=E0, l’ossessione dell’Europa, secondo = un approccio che non=20 coglie (o non vuole cogliere) il nesso esistente tra le politiche = migratorie e=20 lo squilibrio crescente, prodotto dal processo di globalizzazione, tra i = Nord e=20 i Sud del mondo e che, soprattutto, sceglie di subordinare i diritti = umani=20 fondamentali delle persone alle esigenze del mercato del lavoro e agli = interessi=20 economici. Sebbene siano state presentate diverse proposte di = direttiva in=20 materia di integrazione dei migranti e di asilo, le sole misure adottate = in via=20 definitiva sono quelle destinate a rafforzare la Fortezza Europa e ad = attuare le=20 politiche repressive, presentate in modo pretestuoso come il principale=20 strumento di lotta all’immigrazione illegale e di gestione delle=20 migrazioni. Come appare del tutto evidente, in questo contesto, la = garanzia=20 dei diritti di cittadinanza degli stranieri, anche di quelli = regolarmente=20 presenti sul suo territorio, costituisce l’ultima delle = preoccupazioni=20 dell’Europa. La cittadinanza europea, proposta nella Carta europea = dei diritti =E8=20 una cittadinanza escludente, riconosciuta solo ai cittadini autoctoni. I = milioni=20 di migranti che risiedono in Europa stabilmente e contribuiscono = alla sua=20 ricchezza economica e culturale sono destinati a rimanere privi = di=20 diritti: tutt’al pi=F9, in alcuni paesi, beneficiano della = “concessione” del=20 godimento, limitato e condizionato, di alcuni diritti civili e sociali.=20 Il ruolo dei = movimenti <FONT=20 size=3D2>Il movimento dei migranti italiano ha saputo intrecciare = nell’ultimo anno=20 la protesta contro la logica segregazionista del governo Berlusconi, che = propone=20 l’apartheid giuridico, sociale, civile e politico dei migranti, = con il no ad=20 ogni tipo di guerra; il rifiuto della riduzione dei migranti a = merce-lavoro con=20 la difesa dei diritti dei lavoratori italiani e stranieri facendo = propria la=20 battaglia per la difesa dell’articolo 18 dello Statuto dei = lavoratori; la lotta=20 contro la globalizzazione neoliberista e la richiesta della libera = circolazione=20 delle persone; la rivendicazione di un sistema diverso di ripartizione = delle=20 ricchezze del pianeta con la difesa dei diritti umani = fondamentali. Proprio=20 la capacit=E0 di contestualizzare il tema dei diritti di cittadinanza e = dei=20 diritti dei migranti nel quadro del movimento contro la globalizzazione=20 capitalistica costituisce la novit=E0 pi=F9 rilevante: il tema delle = migrazioni =E8=20 finalmente assunto dal movimento come una questione trasversale, = connessa ai=20 processi di ristrutturazione e destrutturazione del mercato del lavoro e = alle=20 politiche di abbattimento del welfare. Il Forum Sociale Europeo = consente oggi=20 di compiere un ulteriore e ormai improrogabile salto di qualit=E0: la = costruzione=20 di un movimento europeo dei migranti e per i diritti dei migranti, = capace di=20 contrapporre all’Europa escludente dei governi un’Europa = alternativa aperta,=20 pluriculturale, “meticcia” fondata su principi radicalmente = diversi, quali ad=20 esempio: = -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>la=20 garanzia del diritto a migrare e a entrare in=20 Europa; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>la = libera=20 circolazione per tutti, compresi i cittadini di “paesi=20 terzi”; -<X-TAB>       </X-TA= B>la=20 regolarizzazione a regime di tutti i=20 sans-papiers -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB= >l’idea=20 di una cittadinanza inclusiva, non solo formale, ma civile e sociale = capace di=20 garantire a tutti coloro che risiedono stabilmente in un determinato = territorio=20 pieni diritti politici, sociali,=20 civili; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>la = garanzia=20 di uguali diritti per tutti i lavoratori e l’introduzione di = misure che tutelino=20 dallo sfruttamento i lavoratori stranieri, compresi quelli precari e = senza=20 contratto di=20 lavoro; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>la = garanzia=20 piena del diritto di asilo. La nostra discussione a Firenze = dovrebbe a=20 nostro avviso concentrarsi in particolare, dal punto di vista analitico = su tre=20 grandi temi: in primo luogo sul nuovo regime di frontiera che si = =E8 andato=20 affermando in Europa nell’ultimo decennio, di cui dovranno essere = indagate le=20 ripercussioni sia verso l’esterno (il cosiddetto effetto domino, = attraverso il=20 quale esso si irradia verso est e verso sud, coinvolgendo in primo luogo = i paesi=20 candidati a entrare nell’Unione europea) sia verso l’interno = (proliferazione dei=20 centri di detenzione, sistemi di espulsione, ma anche tendenza a = introdurre=20 stratificazioni gerarchiche all’interno della cittadinanza nei = singoli paesi=20 europei); in secondo luogo sui movimenti dei migranti e per i diritti = dei=20 migranti che si esprimono in Europa, di cui si dovranno censire le=20 caratteristiche, lo spettro d’azione e le forme di mobilitazione; = infine sul=20 lavoro migrante, di cui riteniamo dovranno essere discusse sia la = rilevanza crescente all’interno della composizione della forza = lavoro europea=20 sia le esperienze di mobilitazione e di lotta che cominciano ad = accumularsi,=20 dalla Spagna all’Italia. Proponiamo a coloro che = parteciperanno=20 all’assemblea di Firenze di ragionare insieme intorno alla = necessit=E0 di=20 costruire un movimento europeo per i diritti dei migranti che veda nel = prossimo=20 anno la promozione di iniziative, mobilitazioni e campagne comuni: non = una nuova=20 rete, formalmente organizzata, ma prima di tutto un canale reale di=20 comunicazione politica, di circolazione dei saperi, delle esperienze e = delle=20 lotte. Per parte nostra, indichiamo tre punti fondamentali attorno a cui = il=20 movimento dovrebbe esprimersi in Europa: Il=20 diritto a migrare Nessuna ragione = economica, politica=20 o sociale pu=F2 giustificare la privazione della libert=E0 di emigrare, = diritto=20 riconosciuto a tutti gli uomini e le donne dall’art. 13 e 14 della = Dichiarazione=20 Universale dei Diritti dell’Uomo. Una campagna che mettesse = all’ordine del=20 giorno l’introduzione di meccanismi di regolarizzazione = permanente per=20 coloro che riescono a costruire percorsi di integrazione lavorativa e = sociale=20 ribalterebbe l’ordine di priorit=E0 dell’agenda = europea:  i diritti dei=20 migranti non possono essere subordinati agli interessi dei datori di = lavoro, le=20 politiche di ingresso contingentate e la militarizzazione delle = frontiere=20 alimentano il traffico di esseri umani, l’immigrazione irregolare = e il lavoro=20 nero, anzich=E9 combatterli. No=20 detention I centri di detenzione sono il = simbolo=20 della politica neoliberista di criminalizzazione dei migranti: a Woomera = (Australia) come a Sangatte (Francia), a Ponte Galeria come a Malaga, a=20 Manchester come a Zurigo sono luoghi di sospensione del diritto e uno = dei=20 principali strumenti di attuazione delle politiche repressive nei = confronti dei=20 migranti. Donne e uomini vengono trattenuti per mesi in vere e proprie = prigioni,=20 difese da militari armati e da reti di filo spinato, con la sola colpa = di aver=20 osato cercare una vita migliore. Proponiamo di lanciare a livello = europeo una=20 campagna per la loro chiusura e per bloccare la costruzione di = nuove=20 strutture (a Torino, il 30 novembre 2002 si svolger=E0 una = manifestazione proprio contro uno di questi = centri). <FONT=20 size=3D2>Il diritto di asilo Dalla guerra = del Golfo in=20 poi i governi mondiali hanno scelto di rilegittimare l’uso della = guerra come=20 strumento di risoluzione delle controversie internazionali, con = l’intervento in=20 Kossovo hanno inventato la “guerra umanitaria”, dopo = l’attacco dell’11 settembre=20 hanno trovato nella “guerra al terrorismo” un escamotage = per giustificare=20 una volta per tutte l’uso indiscriminato delle armi contro le = popolazioni civili=20 con  la cosiddetta “guerra preventiva”. Ma i profughi e = i richiedenti=20 asilo, che in buona parte, di quelle e di molte altre guerre sono la = diretta=20 conseguenza, vedono negato ogni giorno il diritto di asilo. Proponiamo = il lancio=20 di una campagna europea per l’effettiva garanzia del diritto di = asilo a=20 qualsiasi persona perseguitata per motivi politici, anche da soggetti = non=20 statali e per chiedere all’Unione Europea l’adozione in = tempi brevi di direttive=20 che vincolino gli stati membri ad uniformare, al livello pi=F9 alto, i = propri=20 sistemi di accoglienza e le politiche di integrazione dei richiedenti = asilo e=20 dei rifugiati.   Invitiamo tutte le organizzazioni e i = movimenti=20 europei interessati a partecipare all’Assemblea di=20 Firenze che = si svolger=E0=20 l'8 novembre (dalle 18 alle 21) all’interno della Fortezza da=20 Basso, a = inviarci i=20 loro contributi. In una riunione preparatoria, che si svolger=E0 = il 7=20 novembre presso la sede dell’Arci, piazza dei Ciompi 11 = alle ore=20 12.00, ci ritroveremo per conoscerci e organizzeremo insieme questo=20 appuntamento. Riteniamo intanto utile che comincino a circolare testi e=20 documenti, sia nella forma di commenti e critiche alla nostra proposta = sia nella=20 forma di sintetiche schede informative sulle singole situazioni=20 “locali”. <DIV align=3Dcenter>Forum Social Europ=E9en Assembl=E9e = europ=E9enne des=20 migrants Florence, Fortezza da Basso, 8 novembre 2002  = 18.00-20.30=20 h Document pr=E9paratoire de la Table migrants des Forums Sociaux = Italiens </DIV>En Italie, ainsi que dans la plupart des pays=20 europ=E9ens, mais aussi en Australie comme dans les Etats-Unis, les = gouvernements=20 ont depuis longtemps pris la m=EAme direction: le perfectionnement et=20 l’harmonisation des politiques nationales et r=E9gionales de = fermeture des=20 fronti=E8res et la lutte contre “l’immigration = clandestine”. Le d=E9passement du=20 mod=E8le “fordiste” de production, la r=E9duction de = l’offre d’emplois dans le=20 secteur industriel traditionnel, le rallentissement des processus de = croissance=20 des principales =E9conomies, l’augmentation cons=E9quente du = chomage au sein des=20 pays du Premier monde poussent les Etats =E9conomiquement plus puissants = =E0=20 contr=F4ler et =E0 limiter la circulation des travailleurs. Outre ces = raisons=20 structurelles, il faut consid=E9rer la tendance d=E9sormais consolid=E9e = dans la=20 plupart des pays europ=E9ens =E0 faire un usage politique et = id=E9ologique du th=E8me du=20 contr=F4le et de la limitation de l’immigration: les topoi = racistes de=20 “l’invasion”, des immigr=E9s consid=E9r=E9s comme = source d’ins=E9curit=E9 pour les=20 nationaux, de la “clandestinit=E9” comme synonime de = criminalit=E9 sont fortement=20 utilis=E9s par les partis de droite sur le march=E9 =E9lectoral, mais = =E9galement par=20 certains partis de gauche. Tout cela a lieu tandis que dans les = nombreux Sud=20 et Est du monde le processus de globalisation a favoris=E9 et continue = =E0=20 d=E9terminer la crise et l’affaiblissement des =E9conomies = locales, l’augmentation=20 des taux de pauvret=E9, et la cons=E9quente “pouss=E9e” des = migrations ainsi que=20 l’augmentation du nombre des pays d’o=F9 partent les = migrants. En m=EAme temps, les=20 mouvements migratoires de ces derni=E8res ann=E9es montrent un niveau = croissant=20 d’autonomie, et r=E9v=E8lent une v=E9ritable strat=E9gie = d’organisation =E0 partir “du=20 bas”, dans une dimension “transnationale”, de la = reproduction sociale de=20 nombreux secteurs “subalternes” dans des pays qui restent = rel=E9gu=E9s dans la=20 grande banlieue du syst=E8me global. La contradiction existante entre = le=20 caract=E8re structurel du ph=E9nom=E8ne migratoire (produit par le = mod=E8le actuel de=20 developpement) et les politiques de fermeture adopt=E9es par les = gouvernements des=20 pays plus riches est accentu=E9e par le processus de segmentation de la = demande=20 d’emploi: la pr=E9sence du chomage dans les pays riches = n’=E9vite pas le=20 d=E9s=E9quilibre entre la demande et l’offre sur la march=E9 du = travail local, surtout=20 pour les emplois plus instables, pr=E9caires et sans qualification. En = Malaisie,=20 en Europe, en Argentine comme dans les Etats-Unis, les migrants sont = appel=E9s=20 surtout =E0 occuper le secteur que l’on d=E9finit de fa=E7on = =E9l=E9gante “=E9conomie=20 informelle”, mais qui souvent correspond au monde du travail au = noir ou=20 pr=E9caire, c’est =E0 dire sans garanties. C’est pour ces = raisons que, du point de=20 vue de la globalisation capitaliste, il n’y a pas de = contradictions entre=20 l’adoption de politiques de fermeture face =E0 l’immigration = et la persistance=20 d’une demande d’emplois insatisfaite par l’offre = interne. Les politiques de=20 fermeture des fronti=E8res, la restriction des possibilit=E9s = d’entr=E9e r=E9guli=E8re, la=20 pr=E9carisation de la condition juridique des =E9trangers par le biais = du=20 durcissement des normes sur le s=E9jour, l’absence de = reconnaissance des droits de=20 citoyennet=E9 sont fonctionnels =E0 l’utilisation des migrants = comme main-d’oeuvre =E0=20 bas prix, fortement “flexible” et que l’on peut = facilement expulser. Ainsi les=20 politiques anti-immigration pr=E9sent=E9es par les gouvernements = mondiaux comme=20 =E9tant l’instrument principal contre l’immigration = ill=E9gale ne font en r=E9alit=E9=20 que l’alimenter. Il faut donc prendre acte que les migrations = internationales=20 ont assum=E9 un caract=E8re structurel et sont partie int=E9grante du = mod=E8le actuel de=20 d=E9veloppement =E9conomique et que ce ph=E9nom=E8ne n’est pas en = train d’exploser. Les=20 gouvernements du monde en sont tout =E0 fait conscients mais leur = int=E9r=EAt est=20 celui d’adopter des politiques restrictives pour maintenir la = libert=E9 d’absorber=20 ou d’expulser une main-d’oeuvre =E9trang=E8re =E0 bas prix, = priv=E9e de ses droits.=20 L’ill=E9galit=E9 oblige les migrants =E0 accepter n’importe = quel emploi, =E0 n’importe=20 quelles conditions et permet de les exclure des syst=E8mes de protection = sociale=20 et de nier toute politique = d’int=E9gration.     Au niveau=20 global les politiques migratoires sont donc caract=E9ris=E9es par une = limitation=20 (totale ou partielle) des migrations =E9conomiques l=E9gales, par une = multiplication=20 des causes de refoulement =E0 la fronti=E8re et de successive expulsion, = par la=20 n=E9gation du droit d’asile reconnu par la Convention de Gen=E8ve = de 1951, par la=20 concentration des ressources publiques pour le renforcement des = contr=F4les au=20 fronti=E8re, par le manque de politiques publiques d’accueil et = d’int=E9gration et=20 le d=E9mantellement de celles existantes, par la construction en Italie = de centres=20 de permanence temporaire, que l’on d=E9finit en Australie et en = Grande Bretagne de=20 fa=E7on plus explicite “centres de d=E9tention”: de = v=E9ritables camps dans lesquels=20 les immigr=E9s y sont d=E9tenus, y compris les demandeurs d’asile, = sans avoir commis=20 aucun d=E9lit mais “coupables” de pas avoir de permis de = s=E9jour. Les=20 politiques europ=E9ennes L’engagement = pour“harmoniser” les politiques en=20 mati=E8re d’immigration et d’asile dans une p=E9riode de = cinq ans commence avec=20 l’entr=E9e en vigueur du Trait=E9 de Amsterdam (1999). Mais le = seul versant sur=20 lequel les gouvernements de l’Union Europ=E9enne semblent avoir = trouv=E9 un=20 v=E9ritable accord, soit au niveau politique que technique, est celui = des=20 politiques de “lutte contre l’immigration = ill=E9gale”. De Tampere =E0 S=E9ville on=20 retrouve cette m=EAme obsession de l’Europe, suivant une approche = qui ne saisit=20 pas (ou ne veut pas saisir) le lien existant entre les politiques = migratoires et=20 le d=E9s=E9quilibre croissant, produit par le processus de = globalisation, entre les=20 Nord et les Sud du monde et qui choisit de subordonner les droits = fondamentaux=20 des personnes aux exigences du march=E9 du travail et aux int=E9r=EAts=20 =E9conomiques. Bien que diff=E9rentes propositions en mati=E8re = d’asile et=20 d’int=E9gration des migrants aient =E9t=E9 pr=E9sent=E9es, les = seules mesures jusqu’i=E7i=20 adopt=E9es de fa=E7on d=E9finitive sont celles destin=E9es =E0 renforcer = la Forteresse=20 Europe et =E0 r=E9aliser les politiques r=E9pr=E9ssives d=E9finies comme = l’instrument=20 principal de lutte contre l’immigration ill=E9gale et de gestion = des=20 migrations. Dans ce contexte il para=EEt =E9vident que la garantie = des droits de=20 citoyennet=E9 des =E9trangers, m=EAme de ceux qui ont une position = r=E9guli=E8re, ne=20 repr=E9sente pas une priorit=E9 pour l’Europe. La citoyennet=E9 = europ=E9enne, propos=E9e=20 dans la Carte europ=E9enne des droits, est en fait une citoyennet=E9 = excluante,=20 r=E9serv=E9e aux autochtones. Les millions de migrants qui vivent de = fa=E7on stable en=20 Europe et qui contribuent =E0 sa richesse =E9conomique et culturelle = sont destin=E9s =E0=20 rester priv=E9s de droits: ils b=E9n=E9ficient tout au plus dans = certains pays de la=20 “concession” limit=E9e et conditionn=E9e de quelques droits = civils et=20 sociaux. Le r=F4le des mouvements Au cours de cette = ann=E9e, le=20 mouvement des migrants italien a su tenir ensemble la protestation = contre la=20 logique s=E9gr=E9gationniste du gouvernement de Berlusconi, qui propose = l’apartheid=20 juridique, social, civil et politique des migrants, et le refus =E0 tout = type de=20 guerre; la d=E9fense des droits des travailleurs italiens et =E9trangers = et celle de=20 l'article 18 du Statut des travailleurs; la lutte contre la = globalisation=20 n=E9olib=E9riste et la promotion de la libre circulation des personnes; = la=20 revendication d’un nouveau syst=E8me de r=E9partition des = richesses sur la plan=E8te=20 et la d=E9fense des droits humains. La capacit=E9 de contextualiser = le th=E8me des=20 droits de citoyennet=E9 et des droits des migrants dans le cadre du = mouvement=20 contre la globalisation capitaliste constitue la v=E9ritable = nouveaut=E9: la=20 question des migrations est devenu un th=E8me transversal, li=E9 aux = processus de=20 restructuration et de d=E9structuration du march=E9 du travail et aux = politiques de=20 d=E9molition du welfare. Le Forum Social Europ=E9en permet = aujourd’hui de faire=20 un pas ult=E9rieur et n=E9cessaire: la construction d’un mouvement = europ=E9en des=20 migrants et pour les droits des migrants, capable d’opposer =E0 = une Europe=20 excluante une autre Europe, ouverte, pluriculturelle, = “m=E9tisse”, fond=E9e sur des=20 principes radicalement diff=E9rents, tels que: <FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >la=20 garantie du droit =E0 la migration et =E0 l’entr=E9e en = Europe; <FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >la libre=20 circulation pour tous, y compris les citoyens des “pays = tiers”; <FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >la=20 r=E9gularisation de tous les sans-papiers; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >l’id=E9e=20 d’une citoyennet=E9 incluante, non seulement formelle, mais civile = et sociale=20 capable de garantir les droits politiques, sociaux et civils =E0 tous = ceux qui=20 vivent de fa=E7on stable sur un territoire; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >la=20 garantie des m=EAmes droits pour tous les travailleurs et = l’introduction de=20 mesures de protection contre l’exploitation des travailleurs = =E9trangers, y=20 compris les pr=E9caires et ceux qui n’ont pas de contrat de = travail; <FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB>       </X-TAB></FONT= >la=20 pleine garantie du droit d’asil. Notre discussion =E0 = Florence devrait=20 =E0 notre avis se concentrer sur trois grands th=E8mes: en premier lieu = sur le=20 nouveau r=E9gime de fronti=E8re qui s’est affirm=E9 en = Europe cette derni=E8re=20 d=E9cennie, analysant soit les r=E9percussions vers l’ext=E9rieur = (l’effet domino vers=20 l’est et le sud, et en particulier vers les pays candidats pour = entrer dans=20 l’Union europ=E9enne) soit vers l’int=E9rieur = (prolif=E9ration des centres de=20 d=E9tention, syst=E8mes d’expulsion, mais =E9galement la tendance = =E0 introduire des=20 stratifications hi=E9rarchiques au sein de la citoyennet=E9 dans les = diff=E9rents pays=20 europ=E9ens); deuxi=E8mement sur les mouvements des migrants et pour = les droits=20 des migrants qui s’expriment en Europe, leurs = caract=E9ristiques, leur rayon=20 d’action et les diff=E9rentes formes de mobilisation; et enfin sur = le travail=20 migrant dont il faudrait =E0 notre avis analyser l’importance = croissante qu’il=20 assume au sein du monde du travail europ=E9en ainsi que les = exp=E9riences de=20 mobilisation et de lutte qui commencent =E0 s’accumuler, de = l’Espagne =E0=20 l’Italie. Nous proposons =E0 tous ceux qui participeront = =E0 l’assembl=E9e de=20 Florence de raisonner ensemble sur la n=E9cessit=E9 de construire = un=20 mouvement europ=E9en pour les droits des migrants qui soit capable = l’ann=E9e=20 prochaine de promouvoir des initiatives, des mobilisations et des = campagnes=20 comunes: non pas un nouveau r=E9seau, avec une organisation formelle, = mais plut=F4t=20 une voie de communication politique, de circulation des savoirs, des = exp=E9riences=20 et des luttes. Pour ce qui nous concerne nous indiquons trois points=20 fondamentaux sur lesquels le mouvement devrait s’exprimer en=20 Europe: Le droit =E0 la migration    = Aucune=20 raison =E9conomique, politique ou sociale peut justifier la privation de = la=20 libert=E9 d’=E9migrer,  droit reconnu =E0 toutes les femmes = et les hommes par les=20 articles 13 et 14 de la D=E9claration Universelle des Droits de = l’Homme. Une=20 campagne qui soutiendrait l’introduction de m=E9canismes de = r=E9gularisation=20 permanente pour tous ceux qui r=E9ussissent =E0 construire un parcours = d’int=E9gration=20 dans la soci=E9t=E9 d’accueil renverserait les priorit=E9s de = l’agenda europ=E9enne: les=20 droits des migrants ne peuvent pas =EAtre subordonn=E9s aux int=E9r=EAts = des=20 entreprises; les politiques des quotas strictes et la militarisation des = fronti=E8res alimentent le traffic d’=EAtres humains, = l’immigration irr=E9guli=E8re et=20 le travail au noir, au lieu de le combattre. No = detention Les=20 centres de d=E9tention sont le symbole de la politique n=E9olib=E9riste = de=20 criminilisation des migrants: =E0 Womera (Australie) comme =E0 Sangatte = (France), =E0=20 Ponte Galleria (Italie) comme =E0 Malaga, =E0 Manchester comme =E0 = Zurich ce sont des=20 lieux de suspension du droit et instrument principal des politiques = r=E9pressives=20 vis =E0 vis des migrants. Femmes et hommes sont souvent gard=E9s pendant = des mois=20 dans de v=E9ritables prisons, munies de barbel=E9s et contr=F4l=E9es par = des militaires=20 arm=E9s. Nous proposons de lancer une campagne europ=E9enne pour la = fermeture de ces=20 centres et pour bloquer la construction de nouvelles structures de ce = genre (A=20 Turin, le 30 novembre 2002 il y aura lieu une manifestation contre un de = ces=20 centres). Le droit d’asile A partir de la guerre = du Golfe les=20 gouvernements mondiaux ont choisi de donner une nouvelle l=E9gitimit=E9 = =E0=20 l’utilisation de la guerre comme instrument de r=E9solution des = conflits=20 internationaux, avec l’intervention au Kossovo ils ont invent=E9 = la “guerre=20 humanitaire”, apr=E8s l’attaque du 11 septembre ils ont = trouv=E9 dans la “guerre au=20 terrorisme” l’escamotage pour justifier d=E9finitivement = l’utilisation des armes=20 contre la population civile avec la soi-disant “guerre = pr=E9ventive”. Mais les=20 r=E9fugi=E9s et les demandeurs d’asile, qui sont en partie la = cons=E9quence de ces=20 guerres et de beaucoup d’autres, b=E9n=E9ficient rarement du droit = d’asile. Nous=20 proposons d’organiser une campagne europ=E9enne pour une = garantie certaine du=20 droit d’asile =E0 toute personne pers=E9cut=E9e pour des = raisons politiques, m=EAme=20 par un sujet non =E9tatique,  et pour demander =E0 l’Union = Europ=E9enne=20 l’adoption rapide d’une r=E9solution qui engage les Etats = membres =E0 uniformiser=20 les propres syst=E8mes d’accueil et les politiques = d’int=E9gration des demandeurs=20 d’asile et des r=E9fugi=E9s. Nous invitons toutes les = organisations et les=20 mouvements europ=E9ens int=E9ress=E9s =E0 participer =E0 = l’Assembl=E9e de Florence qui se=20 d=E9roulera le 8 novembre (de 18 =E0 21 h) =E0 l’int=E9rieur de la = Fortezza da=20 Basso, =E0 nous faire parvenir leurs documents. Au cours d’une = r=E9union=20 pr=E9paratoire, qui se d=E9roulera le 7 novembre au si=E8ge de = l’ARCI, 11=20 piazza dei Ciompi,  =E0 12 heures, nous nous retrouverons pour = nous=20 conna=EEtre et organiser ensemble cet =E9vennement. Nous pensons = qu’il puisse =EAtre=20 utile faire circuler d=E8s maintenant des textes et des documents, soit = sous forme=20 de commentaires et de critiques =E0 notre proposition, soit sous forme = de donn=E9es=20 sur les situations “locales”.  <DIV align=3Dcenter> Migrants European Assembly Florence = November the=20 8th 2002 6-8.30 p.m. Draft by the Table of migrants of the = Italian=20 Social Forum </DIV>In Italy, as in other European = countries,=20 Australia and the USA, the governments have assumed the national and = regional=20 policies of closing borders and fight against ‘clandestine = immigration’ as=20 priorities. The overcoming of Fordist model of production, the cut of=20 labour-supply in the traditional manufacture sector, the slow-down of = the growth=20 in the main economies, the consequent increase of the unemployment = within the=20 countries belonging to the so-called First World; all these factors push = the=20 most powerful States to control and limit the circulation of the = workers.=20 Beyond such structural reasons, one has to consider also the = consolidate=20 tendency in western societies to make a political and ideological use of = the=20 theme of the control and limitation of immigration: the ordinary racist = view of=20 immigration as ‘invasion’, of the immigrant as a source of = danger and of=20 clandestinity as synonymous of criminality, is often used as a = convenient tool=20 for electioneering. All this happens while in the south and east of = the world=20 the process of globalisation determines the crisis of the local = economies and=20 the increase of the poverty rate: the consequences are the = multiplication of the=20 migratory fluxes and of the number of countries they originate from. At = the same=20 time the migratory movements in recent years have shown an increasing = degree of=20 autonomy, becoming a form of organization ‘from = below’. That is, a=20 trans-national mechanism which fosters sociality exactly where it is put = aside=20 by the capitalistic powers. The existing contradiction between the = structural=20 dimension of the migration phenomenon (produced by the present model of=20 development) and the policies of closing borders adopted by the = governments of=20 the richest countries are fostered by the segmentation process of = labour-demand:=20 even in the presence of unemployment, a trade off between the local = supply and=20 demand of labour still exists in the richest countries, especially as = regards=20 the most vulnerable, less qualified and more precarious people. In = Malaysia,=20 Europe, Argentina and the USA, the migrants are mostly asked to work in = the area=20 which is defined most elegantly as ‘informal economy’, an = area that, indeed,=20 often overlaps with moonlighting or, at most, casual labour, = characterised by=20 the absence of a contract and its guaranties. For this very reasons, = from=20 the point of view of the capitalistic globalisation, there is no = contradiction=20 between the adoption of policies of restriction of immigration and the=20 persistency of a labour demand not covered by the internal supply. = The=20 policies of closing borders, the restriction of the regular entry = channels, the=20 dismantlement of the judicial status of foreigners by means of the = adoption of=20 stricter rules, the lack of acknowledgment of the rights of citizenship: = all=20 this is functional to utilising migrants as low-cost workers, highly = subject to=20 blackmail and, hence, more ‘flexible’ and more viable to be = expelled. Therefore,=20 the policies on immigration, usually presented as the best instrument = for=20 fighting the irregular immigration, are indeed the very first cause that = fosters=20 immigration.  So we have to take note that international = migrations have=20 assumed a structural dimension and have become an integral part in the = actual=20 model of economic development (even though  we have to reaffirm = that=20 speaking of a very explosion of them is wrong). The governments are = perfectly=20 aware of such facts but they have also an interest to adopt restrictive=20 policies: what they truly want is to maintain the liberty to absorb or = expel low=20 cost workforce as they like and this happens to be easier by forbidding = the=20 migrants to come legally in our territories and by denying them any = precise=20 judicial status. The illegality forces migrants to accept any job at any = condition, and allows governments to exclude them from the social = security=20 systems and policies of integration. The migration policies at a = global=20 level are then characterised by a limitation (total or partial) of the = legal=20 economic migrations; by the multiplication of the excuses of the turning = down of=20 people at the frontiers; by the denial of the substantial right of = asylum=20 (envisaged by the Geneve Convention of 1951); by the concentration of = public=20 funding in the reinforcement of the police armies guarding the = frontiers; by the=20 lack of public policies of hospitality and integration (and by the = abandonment=20 of the few existing ones); by the construction of those which are called = ‘temporary permanence centres’ in Italy and but that in = Australia and UK, more=20 truly, ‘detention centres’.  These are genuine camps in = which not only=20 immigrants are detained, but also people just asking for asylum, who = haven’t=20 committed anything wrong but whose unique ‘fault’ is not = having the residence=20 permit. The European policies The commitment of=20 ‘rendering communitarian’ the policies regarding immigration = and asylum within=20 the next five years, was taken with the coming into force of the = Amsterdam=20 Treaty (May 1999). But the sole theme as regard to which the European = countries=20 have appeared as capable to act harmoniously both at a political and a = technical=20 level (and even before an effective harmonisation of the policies at the = formal=20 level), has been the one concerning the policies of admission and fight = against=20 illegal immigration. From Tampere to Sevilla this has been = uninterruptedly=20 the Europe’s obsession. That is, an approach incapable of seeing = the=20 relationship between the policies of migration and the increasing trade = off, due=20 to globalisation, between northern and southern nations; and again, an = approach=20 that subordinates the fundamental human rights to the needs of the = labour market=20 and to the interests of economics. Even though various proposals = about the=20 integration of the migrants and about the asylum question have been = discussed,=20 the only certain measures that the EU has adopted are the ones destined = to=20 underpin the European fortress and to foster repressive politics: these = measures=20 indeed have been presented as the pivotal tool for fighting against = illegal=20 immigration and to govern migrations. As it appears evident, the = guarantee=20 of the rights of citizenship for foreign people, but also for the people = regularly fixed on a territory constitutes the last concern of Europe. = The=20 notion of European citizenship, proposed for the European Chart of Right = is=20 indeed a very narrow conception of citizenship: it is only conferred to = native=20 citizens. The millions of migrants that reside in Europe permanently and = that=20 contribute to the European cultural and economic wealth are destined to = be=20 lacking rights: at the most they could, in some countries, benefit from = the=20 permission of limited, conditioned and partial rights. The = role of the=20 movements The movement of the Italian migrants has been = capable of=20 combining in the last year the  protest against the segregationist = logic of=20 Berlusconi’s government, that proposes the judicial social, civil = and=20 political  apartheid of migrants; the refusal of the reduction of = migrants=20 to labour goods with the defence of the rights of the Italian and = foreigners=20 workers;  the fight against the neo-liberal globalisation e the = demand of a=20 free circulation of people; the claim of a different system of = re-distribution=20 of the world wealth together with the defence of the basic human rights. = This capacity of putting in its proper context the theme of the = rights of=20 citizenship and of the rights of the migrants in the agenda of the = movement=20 against globalisation constitutes the most relevant news. The theme of = migration=20 has finally come to be taken by the movement as a cross-cutting = question,=20 connected to the processes of the re-structuring and de-structuring of = the=20 labour market and to the policies of welfare demolition. The = European=20 Social Forum allows us nowadays to make a huge improvement: the = construction of=20 a European movement of migrants and for the rights of migrants, able to = oppose=20 to the idea of ‘Europe as exclusion’ an alternative = ‘open Europe’, the latter=20 being a multicultural, ‘half-breed’, built upon radically = different principles,=20 like = as: -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>the = guarantee of the right to migrate and to enter Europe;=20 -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>the free=20 circulation for everybody, including the citizens of ‘third=20 countries’; -<X-TAB>       </= X-TAB>The=20 regularisation of all the=20 ‘sans-papier’; -<X-TAB>     &nbsp= ; </X-TAB>the=20 idea of an ‘inclusive’ citizenship, which has to be not only = formal , but also=20 civil and social and, so being, able to guarantee civil, social and = political=20 rights to all the people that live in a specific territory=20 permanently; -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB= >the=20 guarantee of an equality of rights for all the work-force and the = introduction=20 of measures for the safeguard of the exploitation of foreign workers = (included=20 those precarious and/or without=20 contract); -<X-TAB>       </X-TAB>t= he=20 guarantee of the right to ask for asylum. It’s our opinion = that our=20 debate in Florence should be focused analitically on three pivotal = themes. First=20 of all, the new regime of borders that has spread over Europe in = the last=20 decade, the repercussions of which on both the outside (the so-called = ‘domino=20 effect’ through which it moves towards east and south, firstly = involving those=20 countries which are prospective EU members) and the inside (flourishing = of=20 detention centres and expulsion systems and tendency to introduce = hierarchies in=20 European societies). Second thing, the movements of migrant people = and for=20 the rights of migrants which already exist in Europe; we have to = focus upon=20 their features, their spheres of action and forms of demonstration. = Finally, we=20 have to discuss the migrant labour in its increasing relevance = for the=20 composition of the European workforce and the experience of mobilisation = that=20 are growing bigger everywhere, from Spain to Italy. We propose that = those=20 who are going to take part in the Florence Assembly discuss = together the=20 necessity of building a European movement for the rights of migrant = people=20 through which promoting initiatives, mobilisations and common campaigns = next=20 year. It has to be not yet another formally organised network but, = rather, a=20 real channel of political communication and exchange of knowledge, = experiences=20 and fights. As to us, we will indicate three crucial points concerning = which the=20 movement should express itself in Europe. The right to = migrate=20 No economic, political and social reasons can justify the=20 deprivation of the freedom to emigrate, which is acknowledged to = everybody by=20 the articles 13 and 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. = Should a=20 campaign having as its main priority the introduction of mechanisms = for the=20 permanent regularisation of those able to constitute a basis for = social=20 integration be put into effect, the order of priorities in the European = agenda=20 would be overturned. The rights of migrants cannot be subordinated to = the=20 interests of the work donor. The policies for entrance cannot be made=20 contingent. And the militarization of the borders fosters the traffic of = human=20 beings, the irregular immigration and the concealed labour, instead of = fighting=20 them. No detention Detention centres are the = symbol of the=20 neoliberal policies of criminalisation of migrants: in Woomera = (Australia) and=20 Sangatte (France), Ponte Galeria (Rome) and Malaga (Spain), Machester = (UK) and=20 Zurich (Swiss), they are always places of suspension of the rights and = one of=20 the principal means by virtue of which the governments try to render = repressive=20 policies against the migrants effective. Women and men are detained = for=20 months in jails, guarded by military forces and bounded by barded wire, = just=20 because they are guilty of having sought a better life. We propose a = European=20 campaign for closing such centres of detention and blocking the=20 construction of new structures (in Turin, in November the=20 30th 2002, a street demonstration against one of these = centres=20 will take place). The right of asylum Since the = Gulf war,=20 the world governments have decided to re-legitimate the use of war as an = instrument for the resolution of international controversies.  The=20 intervention in Kosovo determined the introduction of the allegedly=20 ‘humanitarian war’. And after September the 11th, = they have contrived=20 a device for justifying, once again, the indiscriminate use of weapons = against=20 the civilians: the so-called ‘preventive war’. But the = refugees and the=20 people asking for asylum -who, for the great majority, are the direct=20 consequences of these wars- have their right of asylum denied every = single day.=20 We propose to start a European campaign for the effective guarantee = of the=20 right of asylum for all those who are persecuted for political = reasons,=20 regardless of the nature of the prosecutor. This campaign should ask the = EU to=20 adopt policies that bound the member states to uniform their systems of=20 reception and policies of integration of people asking for asylum and = refugees=20 as soon as possible. We invite all the organisations and = European=20 movements which are interested in taking part to the Florence = Assembly -that=20 will take place on November the 8th from 18 to 21 inside the = Fortezza=20 da Basso - to send us their contributes. In a preparatory meeting, = on=20 November the 7th in the Arci Centre in Piazza dei Ciompi = 11 at 12=20 am, we are going to meet each other and organise the main event = together.=20 Hence, we strongly believe that everybody should immediately make both = comments=20 and criticisms to our own proposal and short info sheets on specific, = ‘local’=20 situations known to all the others. </BODY></HTML> ------=_NextPart_000_00C9_01C28190.AAC66E40--

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