obsession. That is, an approach incapable of seeing the relationship = between the policies of migration and the increasing trade off, due to = globalisation, between northern and southern nations; and again, an = approach that subordinates the fundamental human rights to the needs of = the labour market and to the interests of economics.=20 Even though various proposals about the integration of the migrants and = about the asylum question have been discussed, the only certain measures = that the EU has adopted are the ones destined to underpin the European = fortress and to foster repressive politics: these measures indeed have = been presented as the pivotal tool for fighting against illegal = immigration and to govern migrations.=20 As it appears evident, the guarantee of the rights of citizenship for = foreign people, but also for the people regularly fixed on a territory = constitutes the last concern of Europe. The notion of European = citizenship, proposed for the European Chart of Right is indeed a very = narrow conception of citizenship: it is only conferred to native = citizens. The millions of migrants that reside in Europe permanently and = that contribute to the European cultural and economic wealth are = destined to be lacking rights: at the most they could, in some = countries, benefit from the permission of limited, conditioned and = partial rights.
The role of the movements=20
The movement of the Italian migrants has been capable of combining in = the last year the protest against the segregationist logic of = Berlusconi's government, that proposes the judicial social, civil and = political apartheid of migrants; the refusal of the reduction of = migrants to labour goods with the defence of the rights of the Italian = and foreigners workers; the fight against the neo-liberal globalisation = e the demand of a free circulation of people; the claim of a different = system of re-distribution of the world wealth together with the defence = of the basic human rights.=20 This capacity of putting in its proper context the theme of the rights = of citizenship and of the rights of the migrants in the agenda of the = movement against globalisation constitutes the most relevant news. The = theme of migration has finally come to be taken by the movement as a = cross-cutting question, connected to the processes of the re-structuring = and de-structuring of the labour market and to the policies of welfare = demolition.=20
The European Social Forum allows us nowadays to make a huge improvement: = the construction of a European movement of migrants and for the rights = of migrants, able to oppose to the idea of 'Europe as exclusion' an = alternative 'open Europe', the latter being a multicultural, = 'half-breed', built upon radically different principles, like as:
- the guarantee of the right to migrate and to enter Europe;=20 - the free circulation for everybody, including the citizens of = 'third countries'; - The regularisation of all the 'sans-papier'; - the idea of an 'inclusive' citizenship, which has to be not only = formal , but also civil and social and, so being, able to guarantee = civil, social and political rights to all the people that live in a = specific territory permanently; - the guarantee of an equality of rights for all the work-force = and the introduction of measures for the safeguard of the exploitation = of foreign workers (included those precarious and/or without contract); - the guarantee of the right to ask for asylum.
It's our opinion that our debate in Florence should be focused = analitically on three pivotal themes. First of all, the new regime of = borders that has spread over Europe in the last decade, the = repercussions of which on both the outside (the so-called 'domino = effect' through which it moves towards east and south, firstly involving = those countries which are prospective EU members) and the inside = (flourishing of detention centres and expulsion systems and tendency to = introduce hierarchies in European societies). Second thing, the movements of migrant people and for the rights of = migrants which already exist in Europe; we have to focus upon their = features, their spheres of action and forms of demonstration. Finally, = we have to discuss the migrant labour in its increasing relevance for = the composition of the European workforce and the experience of = mobilisation that are growing bigger everywhere, from Spain to Italy.=20 We propose that those who are going to take part in the Florence = Assembly discuss together the necessity of building a European movement = for the rights of migrant people through which promoting initiatives, = mobilisations and common campaigns next year. It has to be not yet = another formally organised network but, rather, a real channel of = political communication and exchange of knowledge, experiences and = fights. As to us, we will indicate three crucial points concerning which = the movement should express itself in Europe.=20
The right to migrate=20
No economic, political and social reasons can justify the deprivation of = the freedom to emigrate, which is acknowledged to everybody by the = articles 13 and 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Should = a campaign having as its main priority the introduction of mechanisms = for the permanent regularisation of those able to constitute a basis for = social integration be put into effect, the order of priorities in the = European agenda would be overturned. The rights of migrants cannot be = subordinated to the interests of the work donor. The policies for = entrance cannot be made contingent. And the militarization of the = borders fosters the traffic of human beings, the irregular immigration = and the concealed labour, instead of fighting them.
No detention=20
Detention centres are the symbol of the neoliberal policies of = criminalisation of migrants: in Woomera (Australia) and Sangatte = (France), Ponte Galeria (Rome) and Malaga (Spain), Machester (UK) and = Zurich (Swiss), they are always places of suspension of the rights and = one of the principal means by virtue of which the governments try to = render repressive policies against the migrants effective. Women and men are detained for months in jails, guarded by military = forces and bounded by barded wire, just because they are guilty of = having sought a better life. We propose a European campaign for closing such centres of detention and = blocking the construction of new structures (in Turin, in November the = 30th 2002, a street demonstration against one of these centres will take = place).=20
The right of asylum=20
Since the Gulf war, the world governments have decided to re-legitimate = the use of war as an instrument for the resolution of international = controversies. The intervention in Kosovo determined the introduction = of the allegedly 'humanitarian war'. And after September the 11th, they = have contrived a device for justifying, once again, the indiscriminate = use of weapons against the civilians: the so-called 'preventive war'. But the refugees and the people asking for asylum -who, for the great = majority, are the direct consequences of these wars- have their right of = asylum denied every single day. We propose to start a European campaign = for the effective guarantee of the right of asylum for all those who are = persecuted for political reasons, regardless of the nature of the = prosecutor. This campaign should ask the EU to adopt policies that bound = the member states to uniform their systems of reception and policies of = integration of people asking for asylum and refugees as soon as = possible.=20
We invite all the organisations and European movements which are = interested in taking part to the Florence Assembly -that will take place = on November the 8th from 18 to 21 inside the Fortezza da Basso - to send = us their contributes. In a preparatory meeting, on November the 7th in = the Arci Centre in Piazza dei Ciompi 11 at 12 am, we are going to meet = each other and organise the main event together. Hence, we strongly = believe that everybody should immediately make both comments and = criticisms to our own proposal and short info sheets on specific, = 'local' situations known to all the others.=20
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<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN"> <HTML><HEAD> <META http-equiv=3DContent-Type content=3D"text/html; = charset=3Diso-8859-1"> <META content=3D"MSHTML 5.50.4522.1800" name=3DGENERATOR> <STYLE></STYLE> </HEAD> <BODY bgColor=3D#ffffff> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV style=3D"FONT: 10pt arial">----- Original Message -----=20 <DIV style=3D"BACKGROUND: #e4e4e4; font-color: black"><B>From:</B> <A=20 title=3Dnetworkasilo.ics@tin.it = href=3D"mailto:networkasilo.ics@tin.it">ICS -=20 network asilo</A> </DIV> <DIV><B>To:</B> <A title=3DUndisclosed-Recipient:;=20 href=3D"mailto:Undisclosed-Recipient:;">Undisclosed-Recipient:;</A> = </DIV> <DIV><B>Sent:</B> Thursday, October 31, 2002 1:01 PM</DIV> <DIV><B>Subject:</B> (ICS news asilo - 31/10/2002) - Documento Tavolo=20 Migranti</DIV></DIV> <DIV><BR></DIV> <DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Carissimi,</FONT></DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>vi inoltriamo il testo del documento = del tavolo=20 migranti dei Social Forum Italiani, preparatorio all'assemblea europea = dei=20 migranti che si terra' a Firenze in occasione del Forum Sociale=20 Europeo.</FONT></DIV> <DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Ringraziamo Grazia Naletto di Lunaria = per avercelo=20 inviato.</FONT></DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Cordiali saluti</FONT></DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Maria Silvia Olivieri</FONT></DIV> <DIV> </DIV> <DIV align=3Dcenter><FONT size=3D2><B>Forum Sociale Europeo<BR>Assemblea = europea dei=20 migranti<BR>Firenze, Fortezza da Basso, 8 novembre 2002 h. 18.00-20.30=20 <BR>Documento preparatorio del Tavolo migranti dei Social Forum=20 Italiani<BR><BR></B></FONT></DIV><FONT size=3D2>In Italia, come in molti = altri=20 paesi europei, come in Australia e negli Stati Uniti, i governi hanno = assunto=20 ormai da tempo come priorit=E0 la predisposizione, l’affinamento e =
l’armonizzazione di politiche nazionali e regionali di chiusura = delle frontiere=20 e di lotta alla “immigrazione clandestina”.<BR>Il = superamento del modello=20 "fordista" di produzione, la riduzione dell'offerta di lavoro nel = settore=20 industriale tradizionale, il rallentamento dei processi di crescita = delle=20 principali economie, il conseguente<B> </B>aumento della disoccupazione=20 all'interno degli stessi paesi del cosiddetto Primo mondo spingono gli = Stati=20 economicamente pi=F9 forti a controllare e limitare la circolazione di = lavoratori.=20 Oltre a queste ragioni strutturali, va considerata la tendenza ormai = consolidata=20 nella gran parte dei paesi europei a fare un uso politico e ideologico = del tema=20 del controllo e della limitazione dell’immigrazione: i = <I>topoi=20 </I>razzisti dell’ “invasione”, degli immigrati = come fonte di insicurezza=20 per i nazionali, della “clandestinit=E0” come sinonimo di = criminalit=E0 sono=20 abitualmente adoperati come “moneta” da spendere sul mercato = elettorale,=20 utilizzata a piene mani dai partiti di destra, ma contesa anche da = partiti di=20 sinistra. <BR>Tutto<B> </B>ci=F2 avviene mentre nei tanti Sud ed Est del = mondo il=20 processo di globalizzazione ha favorito e continua a determinare la = crisi e=20 l'indebolimento delle economie locali, l'aumento dei tassi di povert=E0, = con la=20 conseguente moltiplicazione dei cosiddetti effetti di = “spinta” alle migrazioni,=20 nonch=E9 con l'aumento del numero dei paesi di emigrazione. Non solo. Al = tempo=20 stesso, i movimenti migratori degli ultimi anni mostrano un grado = crescente di=20 relativa <I>autonomia</I>, configurandosi spesso come una vera e propria =
strategia di organizzazione “dal basso”, in una dimensione = “transnazionale”,=20 della riproduzione sociale di ampi settori “subalterni” in = paesi che il comando=20 capitalistico continua a confinare alla periferia del sistema = globale.<BR>La=20 contraddizione esistente tra il carattere strutturale del fenomeno = migratorio=20 (prodotto proprio dall'attuale modello di sviluppo) e le politiche di = chiusura=20 adottate dai governi dei paesi pi=F9 ricchi =E8 accentuata dal processo = di=20 segmentazione della domanda di lavoro: anche in presenza di = disoccupazione,=20 permane nei paesi “ricchi” del pianeta uno squilibrio tra = domanda e offerta di=20 lavoro locale soprattutto nelle fasce pi=F9 instabili, precarie e a = bassa=20 qualificazione del mercato del lavoro. In Malesia, in Europa, in = Argentina come=20 negli Stati Uniti, i migranti sono prevalentemente chiamati ad occupare = l’area=20 di quella che in modo elegante viene definita “economia = informale”, ma che molto=20 spesso coincide con il mondo del lavoro nero o tutt’al pi=F9 = precario,=20 caratterizzato dall’assenza di una formalizzazione del rapporto di = lavoro e=20 delle “garanzie” che ne derivano. E’ proprio per = queste ragioni che, dal punto=20 di vista della globalizzazione capitalistica, non vi =E8 contraddizione = tra=20 l’adozione di politiche di chiusura all’immigrazione e la = persistenza di una=20 domanda di lavoro non soddisfatta dall’offerta interna. Le = politiche di chiusura=20 delle frontiere, la restrizione dei canali di ingresso regolare, la=20 precarizzazione della condizione giuridica degli stranieri attraverso=20 l’irrigidimento delle norme sul soggiorno, il mancato = riconoscimento dei diritti=20 di cittadinanza, sono funzionali all’utilizzo dei migranti come = manodopera a=20 basso costo, altamente ricattabile e dunque pi=F9 = “flessibile” e facilmente=20 “espellibile”. Presentate come lo strumento principale per = combattere=20 l’immigrazione irregolare, le politiche anti-immigrazione dei = governi mondiali=20 non fanno altro che alimentarla.<BR>Occorre dunque prendere atto che le=20 migrazioni internazionali hanno assunto un carattere strutturale e sono = parte=20 integrante dell'attuale modello di sviluppo economico e allo stesso = tempo=20 ribadire che =E8 sbagliato parlare di una loro esplosione. I governi del = mondo ne=20 sono ben consapevoli ma hanno tutto l’interesse ad adottare = politiche=20 restrittive perch=E9 vogliono mantenere la libert=E0 di assorbire o = espellere=20 manodopera straniera a basso costo e ci=F2 =E8 pi=F9 facile impedendo = agli immigrati=20 di entrare legalmente sul proprio territorio e negando loro uno status = giuridico=20 certo. L’illegalit=E0 costringe i migranti ad accettare qualsiasi = lavoro, a=20 qualsiasi condizione, permette di escluderli dai sistemi di protezione = sociale e=20 di negare politiche di integrazione.<BR>Le politiche migratorie a = livello=20 globale sono dunque caratterizzate da una limitazione (totale o = parziale) delle=20 migrazioni economiche legali, dalla moltiplicazione delle cause di = respingimento=20 alla frontiera e di espulsione, dalla negazione sostanziale del diritto = di asilo=20 riconosciuto dalla Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951, dalla concentrazione = di=20 risorse pubbliche nel rafforzamento delle forze di polizia alle = frontiere, dalla=20 carenza di politiche pubbliche di accoglienza e di integrazione e dallo=20 smantellamento di quelle esistenti, dalla costruzione di quelli che in = Italia si=20 chiamano centri di permanenza temporanea, ma in Australia e in Gran = Bretagna=20 sono pi=F9 esplicitamente definiti “centri di detenzione”: = veri e propri campi, in=20 cui vengono detenuti immigrati, ma anche richiedenti asilo, che non = hanno=20 commesso nessun reato ma hanno l’unica “colpa” di non = avere il permesso di=20 soggiorno.<BR><BR><B></FONT><FONT size=3D2>Le politiche=20 europee<BR></FONT></B><FONT size=3D2>L’impegno a = “comunitarizzare” le politiche in=20 materia di immigrazione e asilo nell’arco di cinque anni risale = all’entrata in=20 vigore del Trattato di Amsterdam (maggio 1999). Ma l’unico = versante su cui i=20 governi dell’Unione Europea sembrano agire in sintonia, sia a = livello politico=20 che tecnico, e ancora prima di una effettiva armonizzazione delle = politiche a=20 livello formale, =E8 quello delle politiche di ammissione e di = “lotta=20 all’immigrazione illegale”. <BR>Da Tampere a Siviglia questa = =E8 stata, senza=20 soluzione di continuit=E0, l’ossessione dell’Europa, secondo = un approccio che non=20 coglie (o non vuole cogliere) il nesso esistente tra le politiche = migratorie e=20 lo squilibrio crescente, prodotto dal processo di globalizzazione, tra i = Nord e=20 i Sud del mondo e che, soprattutto, sceglie di subordinare i diritti = umani=20 fondamentali delle persone alle esigenze del mercato del lavoro e agli = interessi=20 economici.<BR>Sebbene siano state presentate diverse proposte di = direttiva in=20 materia di integrazione dei migranti e di asilo, le sole misure adottate = in via=20 definitiva sono quelle destinate a rafforzare la Fortezza Europa e ad = attuare le=20 politiche repressive, presentate in modo pretestuoso come il principale=20 strumento di lotta all’immigrazione illegale e di gestione delle=20 migrazioni.<BR>Come appare del tutto evidente, in questo contesto, la = garanzia=20 dei diritti di cittadinanza degli stranieri, anche di quelli = regolarmente=20 presenti sul suo territorio, costituisce l’ultima delle = preoccupazioni=20 dell’Europa. La cittadinanza europea, proposta nella Carta europea = dei diritti =E8=20 una cittadinanza escludente, riconosciuta solo ai cittadini autoctoni. I = milioni=20 di migranti che risiedono in Europa stabilmente<B> </B>e contribuiscono = alla sua=20 ricchezza economica e culturale<B> </B>sono destinati a rimanere privi = di=20 diritti: tutt’al pi=F9, in alcuni paesi, beneficiano della = “concessione” del=20 godimento, limitato e condizionato, di alcuni diritti civili e sociali.=20 <BR><BR><B></FONT><FONT size=3D2>Il ruolo dei = movimenti<BR></FONT></B><FONT=20 size=3D2>Il movimento dei migranti italiano ha saputo intrecciare = nell’ultimo anno=20 la protesta contro la logica segregazionista del governo Berlusconi, che = propone=20 l’apartheid giuridico, sociale, civile e politico dei migranti, = con il no ad=20 ogni tipo di guerra; il rifiuto della riduzione dei migranti a = merce-lavoro con=20 la difesa dei diritti dei lavoratori italiani e stranieri facendo = propria la=20 battaglia per la difesa dell’articolo 18 dello Statuto dei = lavoratori; la lotta=20 contro la globalizzazione neoliberista e la richiesta della libera = circolazione=20 delle persone; la rivendicazione di un sistema diverso di ripartizione = delle=20 ricchezze del pianeta con la difesa dei diritti umani = fondamentali.<BR>Proprio=20 la capacit=E0 di contestualizzare il tema dei diritti di cittadinanza e = dei=20 diritti dei migranti nel quadro del movimento contro la globalizzazione=20 capitalistica costituisce la novit=E0 pi=F9 rilevante: il tema delle = migrazioni =E8=20 finalmente assunto dal movimento come una questione trasversale, = connessa ai=20 processi di ristrutturazione e destrutturazione del mercato del lavoro e = alle=20 politiche di abbattimento del welfare.<BR>Il Forum Sociale Europeo = consente oggi=20 di compiere un ulteriore e ormai improrogabile salto di qualit=E0: la = costruzione=20 di un movimento europeo dei migranti e per i diritti dei migranti, = capace di=20 contrapporre all’Europa escludente dei governi un’Europa = alternativa aperta,=20 pluriculturale, “meticcia” fondata su principi radicalmente = diversi, quali ad=20 esempio: = <BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>la=20 garanzia del diritto a migrare e a entrare in=20 Europa;<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>la = libera=20 circolazione per tutti, compresi i cittadini di “paesi=20 terzi”;<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TA= B>la=20 regolarizzazione a regime di tutti i=20 sans-papiers<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB=
l’idea=20
di una cittadinanza inclusiva, non solo formale, ma civile e sociale = capace di=20 garantire a tutti coloro che risiedono stabilmente in un determinato = territorio=20 pieni diritti politici, sociali,=20 civili;<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>la = garanzia=20 di uguali diritti per tutti i lavoratori e l’introduzione di = misure che tutelino=20 dallo sfruttamento i lavoratori stranieri, compresi quelli precari e = senza=20 contratto di=20 lavoro;<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>la = garanzia=20 piena del diritto di asilo.<BR><BR>La nostra discussione a Firenze = dovrebbe a=20 nostro avviso concentrarsi in particolare, dal punto di vista analitico = su tre=20 grandi temi: in primo luogo sul <B>nuovo regime di frontiera</B> che si = =E8 andato=20 affermando in Europa nell’ultimo decennio, di cui dovranno essere = indagate le=20 ripercussioni sia verso l’esterno (il cosiddetto effetto domino, = attraverso il=20 quale esso si irradia verso est e verso sud, coinvolgendo in primo luogo = i paesi=20 candidati a entrare nell’Unione europea) sia verso l’interno = (proliferazione dei=20 centri di detenzione, sistemi di espulsione, ma anche tendenza a = introdurre=20 stratificazioni gerarchiche all’interno della cittadinanza nei = singoli paesi=20 europei); in secondo luogo sui <B>movimenti dei migranti e per i diritti = dei=20 migranti</B> che si esprimono in Europa, di cui si dovranno censire le=20 caratteristiche, lo spettro d’azione e le forme di mobilitazione; = infine sul=20 <B>lavoro migrante</B>, di cui riteniamo dovranno essere discusse sia la =
rilevanza crescente all’interno della composizione della forza = lavoro europea=20 sia le esperienze di mobilitazione e di lotta che cominciano ad = accumularsi,=20 dalla Spagna all’Italia.<BR><BR>Proponiamo a coloro che = parteciperanno=20 all’assemblea di Firenze di ragionare <B>insieme intorno</B> alla = necessit=E0 di=20 costruire un movimento europeo per i diritti dei migranti che veda nel = prossimo=20 anno la promozione di iniziative, mobilitazioni e campagne comuni: non = una nuova=20 rete, formalmente organizzata, ma prima di tutto un canale reale di=20 comunicazione politica, di circolazione dei saperi, delle esperienze e = delle=20 lotte. Per parte nostra, indichiamo tre punti fondamentali attorno a cui = il=20 movimento dovrebbe esprimersi in Europa:<BR><BR><U></FONT><FONT = size=3D2>Il=20 diritto a migrare<BR></FONT></U><FONT size=3D2>Nessuna ragione = economica, politica=20 o sociale pu=F2 giustificare la privazione della libert=E0 di emigrare, = diritto=20 riconosciuto a tutti gli uomini e le donne dall’art. 13 e 14 della = Dichiarazione=20 Universale dei Diritti dell’Uomo. Una campagna che mettesse = all’ordine del=20 giorno l’introduzione di <B>meccanismi di regolarizzazione = permanente</B> per=20 coloro che riescono a costruire percorsi di integrazione lavorativa e = sociale=20 ribalterebbe l’ordine di priorit=E0 dell’agenda = europea: i diritti dei=20 migranti non possono essere subordinati agli interessi dei datori di = lavoro, le=20 politiche di ingresso contingentate e la militarizzazione delle = frontiere=20 alimentano il traffico di esseri umani, l’immigrazione irregolare = e il lavoro=20 nero, anzich=E9 combatterli.<BR><BR><U></FONT><FONT size=3D2>No=20 detention<BR></FONT></U><FONT size=3D2>I centri di detenzione sono il = simbolo=20 della politica neoliberista di criminalizzazione dei migranti: a Woomera =
(Australia) come a Sangatte (Francia), a Ponte Galeria come a Malaga, a=20 Manchester come a Zurigo sono luoghi di sospensione del diritto e uno = dei=20 principali strumenti di attuazione delle politiche repressive nei = confronti dei=20 migranti. Donne e uomini vengono trattenuti per mesi in vere e proprie = prigioni,=20 difese da militari armati e da reti di filo spinato, con la sola colpa = di aver=20 osato cercare una vita migliore. Proponiamo di lanciare a livello = europeo una=20 <B>campagna per la loro chiusura</B> e per bloccare la costruzione di = nuove=20 strutture (a <B>Torino</B>, il <B>30 novembre 2002</B> si svolger=E0 una =
manifestazione proprio contro uno di questi = centri).<BR><BR><BR><U></FONT><FONT=20 size=3D2>Il diritto di asilo<BR></FONT></U><FONT size=3D2>Dalla guerra = del Golfo in=20 poi i governi mondiali hanno scelto di rilegittimare l’uso della = guerra come=20 strumento di risoluzione delle controversie internazionali, con = l’intervento in=20 Kossovo hanno inventato la “guerra umanitaria”, dopo = l’attacco dell’11 settembre=20 hanno trovato nella “guerra al terrorismo” un <I>escamotage = </I>per giustificare=20 una volta per tutte l’uso indiscriminato delle armi contro le = popolazioni civili=20 con la cosiddetta “guerra preventiva”. Ma i profughi e = i richiedenti=20 asilo, che in buona parte, di quelle e di molte altre guerre sono la = diretta=20 conseguenza, vedono negato ogni giorno il diritto di asilo. Proponiamo = il lancio=20 di una campagna europea per <B>l’effettiva garanzia del diritto di = asilo</B> a=20 qualsiasi persona perseguitata per motivi politici, anche da soggetti = non=20 statali e per chiedere all’Unione Europea l’adozione in = tempi brevi di direttive=20 che vincolino gli stati membri ad uniformare, al livello pi=F9 alto, i = propri=20 sistemi di accoglienza e le politiche di integrazione dei richiedenti = asilo e=20 dei rifugiati. <BR> <BR>Invitiamo tutte le organizzazioni e i = movimenti=20 europei interessati a partecipare </FONT><B><FONT = size=3D2>all’Assemblea di=20 Firenze</FONT><FONT color=3D#ff0000 size=3D2> </FONT><FONT size=3D2>che = si svolger=E0=20 l'8 novembre (dalle 18 alle 21) all’interno della Fortezza da=20 Basso</B>,</FONT><FONT color=3D#ff0000 size=3D2> </FONT><FONT size=3D2>a = inviarci i=20 loro contributi. In una <B>riunione preparatoria</B>, che si svolger=E0 = il <B>7=20 novembre</B> <B>presso la sede dell’Arci, piazza dei Ciompi 11 = alle ore=20 12.00</B>, ci ritroveremo per conoscerci e organizzeremo insieme questo=20 appuntamento. Riteniamo intanto utile che comincino a circolare testi e=20 documenti, sia nella forma di commenti e critiche alla nostra proposta = sia nella=20 forma di sintetiche schede informative sulle singole situazioni=20 “locali”.<BR><BR><BR> <DIV align=3Dcenter><B>Forum Social Europ=E9en<BR>Assembl=E9e = europ=E9enne des=20 migrants<BR>Florence, Fortezza da Basso, 8 novembre 2002 = 18.00-20.30=20 h<BR><BR>Document pr=E9paratoire de la Table migrants des Forums Sociaux =
Italiens<BR><BR></B></DIV>En Italie, ainsi que dans la plupart des pays=20 europ=E9ens, mais aussi en Australie comme dans les Etats-Unis, les = gouvernements=20 ont depuis longtemps pris la m=EAme direction: le perfectionnement et=20 l’harmonisation des politiques nationales et r=E9gionales de = fermeture des=20 fronti=E8res et la lutte contre “l’immigration = clandestine”. <BR>Le d=E9passement du=20 mod=E8le “fordiste” de production, la r=E9duction de = l’offre d’emplois dans le=20 secteur industriel traditionnel, le rallentissement des processus de = croissance=20 des principales =E9conomies, l’augmentation cons=E9quente du = chomage au sein des=20 pays du Premier monde poussent les Etats =E9conomiquement plus puissants = =E0=20 contr=F4ler et =E0 limiter la circulation des travailleurs.<BR>Outre ces = raisons=20 structurelles, il faut consid=E9rer la tendance d=E9sormais consolid=E9e = dans la=20 plupart des pays europ=E9ens =E0 faire un usage politique et = id=E9ologique du th=E8me du=20 contr=F4le et de la limitation de l’immigration: les <I>topoi = </I>racistes de=20 “l’invasion”, des immigr=E9s consid=E9r=E9s comme = source d’ins=E9curit=E9 pour les=20 nationaux, de la “clandestinit=E9” comme synonime de = criminalit=E9 sont fortement=20 utilis=E9s par les partis de droite sur le march=E9 =E9lectoral, mais = =E9galement par=20 certains partis de gauche.<BR>Tout cela a lieu tandis que dans les = nombreux Sud=20 et Est du monde le processus de globalisation a favoris=E9 et continue = =E0=20 d=E9terminer la crise et l’affaiblissement des =E9conomies = locales, l’augmentation=20 des taux de pauvret=E9, et la cons=E9quente “pouss=E9e” des = migrations ainsi que=20 l’augmentation du nombre des pays d’o=F9 partent les = migrants. En m=EAme temps, les=20 mouvements migratoires de ces derni=E8res ann=E9es montrent un niveau = croissant=20 d’autonomie, et r=E9v=E8lent une v=E9ritable strat=E9gie = d’organisation =E0 partir “du=20 bas”, dans une dimension “transnationale”, de la = reproduction sociale de=20 nombreux secteurs “subalternes” dans des pays qui restent = rel=E9gu=E9s dans la=20 grande banlieue du syst=E8me global.<BR>La contradiction existante entre = le=20 caract=E8re structurel du ph=E9nom=E8ne migratoire (produit par le = mod=E8le actuel de=20 developpement) et les politiques de fermeture adopt=E9es par les = gouvernements des=20 pays plus riches est accentu=E9e par le processus de segmentation de la = demande=20 d’emploi: la pr=E9sence du chomage dans les pays riches = n’=E9vite pas le=20 d=E9s=E9quilibre entre la demande et l’offre sur la march=E9 du = travail local, surtout=20 pour les emplois plus instables, pr=E9caires et sans qualification. En = Malaisie,=20 en Europe, en Argentine comme dans les Etats-Unis, les migrants sont = appel=E9s=20 surtout =E0 occuper le secteur que l’on d=E9finit de fa=E7on = =E9l=E9gante “=E9conomie=20 informelle”, mais qui souvent correspond au monde du travail au = noir ou=20 pr=E9caire, c’est =E0 dire sans garanties. C’est pour ces = raisons que, du point de=20 vue de la globalisation capitaliste, il n’y a pas de = contradictions entre=20 l’adoption de politiques de fermeture face =E0 l’immigration = et la persistance=20 d’une demande d’emplois insatisfaite par l’offre = interne. Les politiques de=20 fermeture des fronti=E8res, la restriction des possibilit=E9s = d’entr=E9e r=E9guli=E8re, la=20 pr=E9carisation de la condition juridique des =E9trangers par le biais = du=20 durcissement des normes sur le s=E9jour, l’absence de = reconnaissance des droits de=20 citoyennet=E9 sont fonctionnels =E0 l’utilisation des migrants = comme main-d’oeuvre =E0=20 bas prix, fortement “flexible” et que l’on peut = facilement expulser. Ainsi les=20 politiques anti-immigration pr=E9sent=E9es par les gouvernements = mondiaux comme=20 =E9tant l’instrument principal contre l’immigration = ill=E9gale ne font en r=E9alit=E9=20 que l’alimenter.<BR>Il faut donc prendre acte que les migrations = internationales=20 ont assum=E9 un caract=E8re structurel et sont partie int=E9grante du = mod=E8le actuel de=20 d=E9veloppement =E9conomique et que ce ph=E9nom=E8ne n’est pas en = train d’exploser. Les=20 gouvernements du monde en sont tout =E0 fait conscients mais leur = int=E9r=EAt est=20 celui d’adopter des politiques restrictives pour maintenir la = libert=E9 d’absorber=20 ou d’expulser une main-d’oeuvre =E9trang=E8re =E0 bas prix, = priv=E9e de ses droits.=20 L’ill=E9galit=E9 oblige les migrants =E0 accepter n’importe = quel emploi, =E0 n’importe=20 quelles conditions et permet de les exclure des syst=E8mes de protection = sociale=20 et de nier toute politique = d’int=E9gration. <BR>Au niveau=20 global les politiques migratoires sont donc caract=E9ris=E9es par une = limitation=20 (totale ou partielle) des migrations =E9conomiques l=E9gales, par une = multiplication=20 des causes de refoulement =E0 la fronti=E8re et de successive expulsion, = par la=20 n=E9gation du droit d’asile reconnu par la Convention de Gen=E8ve = de 1951, par la=20 concentration des ressources publiques pour le renforcement des = contr=F4les au=20 fronti=E8re, par le manque de politiques publiques d’accueil et = d’int=E9gration et=20 le d=E9mantellement de celles existantes, par la construction en Italie = de centres=20 de permanence temporaire, que l’on d=E9finit en Australie et en = Grande Bretagne de=20 fa=E7on plus explicite “centres de d=E9tention”: de = v=E9ritables camps dans lesquels=20 les immigr=E9s y sont d=E9tenus, y compris les demandeurs d’asile, = sans avoir commis=20 aucun d=E9lit mais “coupables” de pas avoir de permis de = s=E9jour.<BR><BR><B>Les=20 politiques europ=E9ennes<BR></B>L’engagement = pour“harmoniser” les politiques en=20 mati=E8re d’immigration et d’asile dans une p=E9riode de = cinq ans commence avec=20 l’entr=E9e en vigueur du Trait=E9 de Amsterdam (1999). Mais le = seul versant sur=20 lequel les gouvernements de l’Union Europ=E9enne semblent avoir = trouv=E9 un=20 v=E9ritable accord, soit au niveau politique que technique, est celui = des=20 politiques de “lutte contre l’immigration = ill=E9gale”.<BR>De Tampere =E0 S=E9ville on=20 retrouve cette m=EAme obsession de l’Europe, suivant une approche = qui ne saisit=20 pas (ou ne veut pas saisir) le lien existant entre les politiques = migratoires et=20 le d=E9s=E9quilibre croissant, produit par le processus de = globalisation, entre les=20 Nord et les Sud du monde et qui choisit de subordonner les droits = fondamentaux=20 des personnes aux exigences du march=E9 du travail et aux int=E9r=EAts=20 =E9conomiques.<BR>Bien que diff=E9rentes propositions en mati=E8re = d’asile et=20 d’int=E9gration des migrants aient =E9t=E9 pr=E9sent=E9es, les = seules mesures jusqu’i=E7i=20 adopt=E9es de fa=E7on d=E9finitive sont celles destin=E9es =E0 renforcer = la Forteresse=20 Europe et =E0 r=E9aliser les politiques r=E9pr=E9ssives d=E9finies comme = l’instrument=20 principal de lutte contre l’immigration ill=E9gale et de gestion = des=20 migrations.<BR>Dans ce contexte il para=EEt =E9vident que la garantie = des droits de=20 citoyennet=E9 des =E9trangers, m=EAme de ceux qui ont une position = r=E9guli=E8re, ne=20 repr=E9sente pas une priorit=E9 pour l’Europe. La citoyennet=E9 = europ=E9enne, propos=E9e=20 dans la Carte europ=E9enne des droits, est en fait une citoyennet=E9 = excluante,=20 r=E9serv=E9e aux autochtones. Les millions de migrants qui vivent de = fa=E7on stable en=20 Europe et qui contribuent =E0 sa richesse =E9conomique et culturelle = sont destin=E9s =E0=20 rester priv=E9s de droits: ils b=E9n=E9ficient tout au plus dans = certains pays de la=20 “concession” limit=E9e et conditionn=E9e de quelques droits = civils et=20 sociaux.<BR><BR><B>Le r=F4le des mouvements<BR></B>Au cours de cette = ann=E9e, le=20 mouvement des migrants italien a su tenir ensemble la protestation = contre la=20 logique s=E9gr=E9gationniste du gouvernement de Berlusconi, qui propose = l’apartheid=20 juridique, social, civil et politique des migrants, et le refus =E0 tout = type de=20 guerre; la d=E9fense des droits des travailleurs italiens et =E9trangers = et celle de=20 l'article 18 du Statut des travailleurs; la lutte contre la = globalisation=20 n=E9olib=E9riste et la promotion de la libre circulation des personnes; = la=20 revendication d’un nouveau syst=E8me de r=E9partition des = richesses sur la plan=E8te=20 et la d=E9fense des droits humains.<BR>La capacit=E9 de contextualiser = le th=E8me des=20 droits de citoyennet=E9 et des droits des migrants dans le cadre du = mouvement=20 contre la globalisation capitaliste constitue la v=E9ritable = nouveaut=E9: la=20 question des migrations est devenu un th=E8me transversal, li=E9 aux = processus de=20 restructuration et de d=E9structuration du march=E9 du travail et aux = politiques de=20 d=E9molition du welfare.<BR>Le Forum Social Europ=E9en permet = aujourd’hui de faire=20 un pas ult=E9rieur et n=E9cessaire: la construction d’un mouvement = europ=E9en des=20 migrants et pour les droits des migrants, capable d’opposer =E0 = une Europe=20 excluante une autre Europe, ouverte, pluriculturelle, = “m=E9tisse”, fond=E9e sur des=20 principes radicalement diff=E9rents, tels que:<BR></FONT><FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
la=20
garantie du droit =E0 la migration et =E0 l’entr=E9e en = Europe;<BR><FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
la libre=20
circulation pour tous, y compris les citoyens des “pays = tiers”;<BR><FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
la=20
r=E9gularisation de tous les sans-papiers;<BR><FONT face=3D"Times New = Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
l’id=E9e=20
d’une citoyennet=E9 incluante, non seulement formelle, mais civile = et sociale=20 capable de garantir les droits politiques, sociaux et civils =E0 tous = ceux qui=20 vivent de fa=E7on stable sur un territoire;<BR><FONT face=3D"Times New = Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
la=20
garantie des m=EAmes droits pour tous les travailleurs et = l’introduction de=20 mesures de protection contre l’exploitation des travailleurs = =E9trangers, y=20 compris les pr=E9caires et ceux qui n’ont pas de contrat de = travail;<BR><FONT=20 face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=20 size=3D2>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB></FONT=
la=20
pleine garantie du droit d’asil.<BR><BR><BR>Notre discussion =E0 = Florence devrait=20 =E0 notre avis se concentrer sur trois grands th=E8mes: en premier lieu = sur le=20 <B>nouveau r=E9gime de fronti=E8re</B> qui s’est affirm=E9 en = Europe cette derni=E8re=20 d=E9cennie, analysant soit les r=E9percussions vers l’ext=E9rieur = (l’effet domino vers=20 l’est et le sud, et en particulier vers les pays candidats pour = entrer dans=20 l’Union europ=E9enne) soit vers l’int=E9rieur = (prolif=E9ration des centres de=20 d=E9tention, syst=E8mes d’expulsion, mais =E9galement la tendance = =E0 introduire des=20 stratifications hi=E9rarchiques au sein de la citoyennet=E9 dans les = diff=E9rents pays=20 europ=E9ens); deuxi=E8mement sur les <B>mouvements des migrants et pour = les droits=20 des migrants</B> qui s’expriment en Europe, leurs = caract=E9ristiques, leur rayon=20 d’action et les diff=E9rentes formes de mobilisation; et enfin sur = le <B>travail=20 migrant</B> dont il faudrait =E0 notre avis analyser l’importance = croissante qu’il=20 assume au sein du monde du travail europ=E9en ainsi que les = exp=E9riences de=20 mobilisation et de lutte qui commencent =E0 s’accumuler, de = l’Espagne =E0=20 l’Italie.<BR><BR>Nous proposons =E0 tous ceux qui participeront = =E0 l’assembl=E9e de=20 Florence de raisonner<B> ensemble</B> sur la n=E9cessit=E9 de construire = un=20 mouvement europ=E9en pour les droits des migrants qui soit capable = l’ann=E9e=20 prochaine de promouvoir des initiatives, des mobilisations et des = campagnes=20 comunes: non pas un nouveau r=E9seau, avec une organisation formelle, = mais plut=F4t=20 une voie de communication politique, de circulation des savoirs, des = exp=E9riences=20 et des luttes. Pour ce qui nous concerne nous indiquons trois points=20 fondamentaux sur lesquels le mouvement devrait s’exprimer en=20 Europe:<BR><BR><U>Le droit =E0 la migration = <BR></U>Aucune=20 raison =E9conomique, politique ou sociale peut justifier la privation de = la=20 libert=E9 d’=E9migrer, droit reconnu =E0 toutes les femmes = et les hommes par les=20 articles 13 et 14 de la D=E9claration Universelle des Droits de = l’Homme. Une=20 campagne qui soutiendrait l’introduction de m=E9canismes de = r=E9gularisation=20 permanente pour tous ceux qui r=E9ussissent =E0 construire un parcours = d’int=E9gration=20 dans la soci=E9t=E9 d’accueil renverserait les priorit=E9s de = l’agenda europ=E9enne: les=20 droits des migrants ne peuvent pas =EAtre subordonn=E9s aux int=E9r=EAts = des=20 entreprises; les politiques des quotas strictes et la militarisation des =
fronti=E8res alimentent le traffic d’=EAtres humains, = l’immigration irr=E9guli=E8re et=20 le travail au noir, au lieu de le combattre.<BR><BR><U>No = detention<BR></U>Les=20 centres de d=E9tention sont le symbole de la politique n=E9olib=E9riste = de=20 criminilisation des migrants: =E0 Womera (Australie) comme =E0 Sangatte = (France), =E0=20 Ponte Galleria (Italie) comme =E0 Malaga, =E0 Manchester comme =E0 = Zurich ce sont des=20 lieux de suspension du droit et instrument principal des politiques = r=E9pressives=20 vis =E0 vis des migrants. Femmes et hommes sont souvent gard=E9s pendant = des mois=20 dans de v=E9ritables prisons, munies de barbel=E9s et contr=F4l=E9es par = des militaires=20 arm=E9s. Nous proposons de lancer une campagne europ=E9enne pour la = fermeture de ces=20 centres et pour bloquer la construction de nouvelles structures de ce = genre (A=20 Turin, le 30 novembre 2002 il y aura lieu une manifestation contre un de = ces=20 centres).<BR><BR><U>Le droit d’asile<BR></U>A partir de la guerre = du Golfe les=20 gouvernements mondiaux ont choisi de donner une nouvelle l=E9gitimit=E9 = =E0=20 l’utilisation de la guerre comme instrument de r=E9solution des = conflits=20 internationaux, avec l’intervention au Kossovo ils ont invent=E9 = la “guerre=20 humanitaire”, apr=E8s l’attaque du 11 septembre ils ont = trouv=E9 dans la “guerre au=20 terrorisme” l’escamotage pour justifier d=E9finitivement = l’utilisation des armes=20 contre la population civile avec la soi-disant “guerre = pr=E9ventive”. Mais les=20 r=E9fugi=E9s et les demandeurs d’asile, qui sont en partie la = cons=E9quence de ces=20 guerres et de beaucoup d’autres, b=E9n=E9ficient rarement du droit = d’asile. Nous=20 proposons d’organiser une campagne europ=E9enne pour <B>une = garantie certaine du=20 droit d’asile</B> =E0 toute personne pers=E9cut=E9e pour des = raisons politiques, m=EAme=20 par un sujet non =E9tatique, et pour demander =E0 l’Union = Europ=E9enne=20 l’adoption rapide d’une r=E9solution qui engage les Etats = membres =E0 uniformiser=20 les propres syst=E8mes d’accueil et les politiques = d’int=E9gration des demandeurs=20 d’asile et des r=E9fugi=E9s.<BR><BR>Nous invitons toutes les = organisations et les=20 mouvements europ=E9ens int=E9ress=E9s =E0 participer =E0 = <B>l’Assembl=E9e de Florence qui se=20 d=E9roulera le 8 novembre (de 18 =E0 21 h) =E0 l’int=E9rieur de la = Fortezza da=20 Basso</B>, =E0 nous faire parvenir leurs documents. Au cours d’une = <B>r=E9union=20 pr=E9paratoire</B>, qui se d=E9roulera le <B>7 novembre au si=E8ge de = l’ARCI, 11=20 piazza dei Ciompi, =E0 12 heures</B>, nous nous retrouverons pour = nous=20 conna=EEtre et organiser ensemble cet =E9vennement. Nous pensons = qu’il puisse =EAtre=20 utile faire circuler d=E8s maintenant des textes et des documents, soit = sous forme=20 de commentaires et de critiques =E0 notre proposition, soit sous forme = de donn=E9es=20 sur les situations “locales”. <BR><BR> <DIV align=3Dcenter> <B>Migrants European Assembly<BR>Florence = November the=20 8<SUP>th</SUP> 2002 6-8.30 p.m.<BR>Draft by the Table of migrants of the = Italian=20 Social Forum<BR><BR><BR></B></DIV>In Italy, as in other European = countries,=20 Australia and the USA, the governments have assumed the national and = regional=20 policies of closing borders and fight against ‘clandestine = immigration’ as=20 priorities. The overcoming of Fordist model of production, the cut of=20 labour-supply in the traditional manufacture sector, the slow-down of = the growth=20 in the main economies, the consequent increase of the unemployment = within the=20 countries belonging to the so-called First World; all these factors push = the=20 most powerful States to control and limit the circulation of the = workers.=20 <BR>Beyond such structural reasons, one has to consider also the = consolidate=20 tendency in western societies to make a political and ideological use of = the=20 theme of the control and limitation of immigration: the ordinary racist = view of=20 immigration as ‘invasion’, of the immigrant as a source of = danger and of=20 clandestinity as synonymous of criminality, is often used as a = convenient tool=20 for electioneering.<BR>All this happens while in the south and east of = the world=20 the process of globalisation determines the crisis of the local = economies and=20 the increase of the poverty rate: the consequences are the = multiplication of the=20 migratory fluxes and of the number of countries they originate from. At = the same=20 time the migratory movements in recent years have shown an increasing = degree of=20 <I>autonomy, </I>becoming a form of organization ‘from = below’. That is, a=20 trans-national mechanism which fosters sociality exactly where it is put = aside=20 by the capitalistic powers.<BR>The existing contradiction between the = structural=20 dimension of the migration phenomenon (produced by the present model of=20 development) and the policies of closing borders adopted by the = governments of=20 the richest countries are fostered by the segmentation process of = labour-demand:=20 even in the presence of unemployment, a trade off between the local = supply and=20 demand of labour still exists in the richest countries, especially as = regards=20 the most vulnerable, less qualified and more precarious people. <BR>In = Malaysia,=20 Europe, Argentina and the USA, the migrants are mostly asked to work in = the area=20 which is defined most elegantly as ‘informal economy’, an = area that, indeed,=20 often overlaps with moonlighting or, at most, casual labour, = characterised by=20 the absence of a contract and its guaranties. <BR>For this very reasons, = from=20 the point of view of the capitalistic globalisation, there is no = contradiction=20 between the adoption of policies of restriction of immigration and the=20 persistency of a labour demand not covered by the internal supply. = <BR>The=20 policies of closing borders, the restriction of the regular entry = channels, the=20 dismantlement of the judicial status of foreigners by means of the = adoption of=20 stricter rules, the lack of acknowledgment of the rights of citizenship: = all=20 this is functional to utilising migrants as low-cost workers, highly = subject to=20 blackmail and, hence, more ‘flexible’ and more viable to be = expelled. Therefore,=20 the policies on immigration, usually presented as the best instrument = for=20 fighting the irregular immigration, are indeed the very first cause that = fosters=20 immigration.<BR> So we have to take note that international = migrations have=20 assumed a structural dimension and have become an integral part in the = actual=20 model of economic development (even though we have to reaffirm = that=20 speaking of a very explosion of them is wrong). The governments are = perfectly=20 aware of such facts but they have also an interest to adopt restrictive=20 policies: what they truly want is to maintain the liberty to absorb or = expel low=20 cost workforce as they like and this happens to be easier by forbidding = the=20 migrants to come legally in our territories and by denying them any = precise=20 judicial status. The illegality forces migrants to accept any job at any =
condition, and allows governments to exclude them from the social = security=20 systems and policies of integration. <BR>The migration policies at a = global=20 level are then characterised by a limitation (total or partial) of the = legal=20 economic migrations; by the multiplication of the excuses of the turning = down of=20 people at the frontiers; by the denial of the substantial right of = asylum=20 (envisaged by the Geneve Convention of 1951); by the concentration of = public=20 funding in the reinforcement of the police armies guarding the = frontiers; by the=20 lack of public policies of hospitality and integration (and by the = abandonment=20 of the few existing ones); by the construction of those which are called =
‘temporary permanence centres’ in Italy and but that in = Australia and UK, more=20 truly, ‘detention centres’. These are genuine camps in = which not only=20 immigrants are detained, but also people just asking for asylum, who = haven’t=20 committed anything wrong but whose unique ‘fault’ is not = having the residence=20 permit. <BR><BR><B>The European policies <BR><BR></B>The commitment of=20 ‘rendering communitarian’ the policies regarding immigration = and asylum within=20 the next five years, was taken with the coming into force of the = Amsterdam=20 Treaty (May 1999). But the sole theme as regard to which the European = countries=20 have appeared as capable to act harmoniously both at a political and a = technical=20 level (and even before an effective harmonisation of the policies at the = formal=20 level), has been the one concerning the policies of admission and fight = against=20 illegal immigration. <BR>From Tampere to Sevilla this has been = uninterruptedly=20 the Europe’s obsession. That is, an approach incapable of seeing = the=20 relationship between the policies of migration and the increasing trade = off, due=20 to globalisation, between northern and southern nations; and again, an = approach=20 that subordinates the fundamental human rights to the needs of the = labour market=20 and to the interests of economics. <BR>Even though various proposals = about the=20 integration of the migrants and about the asylum question have been = discussed,=20 the only certain measures that the EU has adopted are the ones destined = to=20 underpin the European fortress and to foster repressive politics: these = measures=20 indeed have been presented as the pivotal tool for fighting against = illegal=20 immigration and to govern migrations. <BR>As it appears evident, the = guarantee=20 of the rights of citizenship for foreign people, but also for the people =
regularly fixed on a territory constitutes the last concern of Europe. = The=20 notion of European citizenship, proposed for the European Chart of Right = is=20 indeed a very narrow conception of citizenship: it is only conferred to = native=20 citizens. The millions of migrants that reside in Europe permanently and = that=20 contribute to the European cultural and economic wealth are destined to = be=20 lacking rights: at the most they could, in some countries, benefit from = the=20 permission of limited, conditioned and partial rights.<BR><BR><B>The = role of the=20 movements <BR><BR></B>The movement of the Italian migrants has been = capable of=20 combining in the last year the protest against the segregationist = logic of=20 Berlusconi’s government, that proposes the judicial social, civil = and=20 political apartheid of migrants; the refusal of the reduction of = migrants=20 to labour goods with the defence of the rights of the Italian and = foreigners=20 workers; the fight against the neo-liberal globalisation e the = demand of a=20 free circulation of people; the claim of a different system of = re-distribution=20 of the world wealth together with the defence of the basic human rights. =
<BR>This capacity of putting in its proper context the theme of the = rights of=20 citizenship and of the rights of the migrants in the agenda of the = movement=20 against globalisation constitutes the most relevant news. The theme of = migration=20 has finally come to be taken by the movement as a cross-cutting = question,=20 connected to the processes of the re-structuring and de-structuring of = the=20 labour market and to the policies of welfare demolition. <BR><BR>The = European=20 Social Forum allows us nowadays to make a huge improvement: the = construction of=20 a European movement of migrants and for the rights of migrants, able to = oppose=20 to the idea of ‘Europe as exclusion’ an alternative = ‘open Europe’, the latter=20 being a multicultural, ‘half-breed’, built upon radically = different principles,=20 like = as:<BR><BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>the =
guarantee of the right to migrate and to enter Europe;=20 <BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>the free=20 circulation for everybody, including the citizens of ‘third=20 countries’;<BR>-<X-TAB> </= X-TAB>The=20 regularisation of all the=20 ‘sans-papier’;<BR>-<X-TAB>  = ; </X-TAB>the=20 idea of an ‘inclusive’ citizenship, which has to be not only = formal , but also=20 civil and social and, so being, able to guarantee civil, social and = political=20 rights to all the people that live in a specific territory=20 permanently;<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB=
the=20
guarantee of an equality of rights for all the work-force and the = introduction=20 of measures for the safeguard of the exploitation of foreign workers = (included=20 those precarious and/or without=20 contract);<BR>-<X-TAB> </X-TAB>t= he=20 guarantee of the right to ask for asylum.<BR><BR>It’s our opinion = that our=20 debate in Florence should be focused analitically on three pivotal = themes. First=20 of all, the <B>new regime of borders</B> that has spread over Europe in = the last=20 decade, the repercussions of which on both the outside (the so-called = ‘domino=20 effect’ through which it moves towards east and south, firstly = involving those=20 countries which are prospective EU members) and the inside (flourishing = of=20 detention centres and expulsion systems and tendency to introduce = hierarchies in=20 European societies).<BR>Second thing, <B>the movements of migrant people = and for=20 the rights of migrants</B> which already exist in Europe; we have to = focus upon=20 their features, their spheres of action and forms of demonstration. = Finally, we=20 have to discuss the <B>migrant labour</B> in its increasing relevance = for the=20 composition of the European workforce and the experience of mobilisation = that=20 are growing bigger everywhere, from Spain to Italy. <BR>We propose that = those=20 who are going to take part in the Florence Assembly <B>discuss = together</B> the=20 necessity of building a European movement for the rights of migrant = people=20 through which promoting initiatives, mobilisations and common campaigns = next=20 year. It has to be not yet another formally organised network but, = rather, a=20 real channel of political communication and exchange of knowledge, = experiences=20 and fights. As to us, we will indicate three crucial points concerning = which the=20 movement should express itself in Europe. <BR><BR><B>The right to = migrate=20 <BR><BR></B>No economic, political and social reasons can justify the=20 deprivation of the freedom to emigrate, which is acknowledged to = everybody by=20 the articles 13 and 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. = Should a=20 campaign having as its main priority the introduction of<B> mechanisms = for the=20 permanent regularisation </B>of those able to constitute a basis for = social=20 integration be put into effect, the order of priorities in the European = agenda=20 would be overturned. The rights of migrants cannot be subordinated to = the=20 interests of the work donor. The policies for entrance cannot be made=20 contingent. And the militarization of the borders fosters the traffic of = human=20 beings, the irregular immigration and the concealed labour, instead of = fighting=20 them.<BR><BR><B>No detention <BR><BR></B>Detention centres are the = symbol of the=20 neoliberal policies of criminalisation of migrants: in Woomera = (Australia) and=20 Sangatte (France), Ponte Galeria (Rome) and Malaga (Spain), Machester = (UK) and=20 Zurich (Swiss), they are always places of suspension of the rights and = one of=20 the principal means by virtue of which the governments try to render = repressive=20 policies against the migrants effective.<BR>Women and men are detained = for=20 months in jails, guarded by military forces and bounded by barded wire, = just=20 because they are guilty of having sought a better life.<BR>We propose a = European=20 <B>campaign for closing such centres </B>of detention and blocking the=20 construction of new structures (in <B>Turin</B>, in <B>November the=20 30<SUP>th</SUP> 2002</B>, a street demonstration against one of these = centres=20 will take place). <BR><BR><B>The right of asylum <BR><BR></B>Since the = Gulf war,=20 the world governments have decided to re-legitimate the use of war as an =
instrument for the resolution of international controversies. The=20 intervention in Kosovo determined the introduction of the allegedly=20 ‘humanitarian war’. And after September the 11<SUP>th</SUP>, = they have contrived=20 a device for justifying, once again, the indiscriminate use of weapons = against=20 the civilians: the so-called ‘preventive war’.<BR>But the = refugees and the=20 people asking for asylum -who, for the great majority, are the direct=20 consequences of these wars- have their right of asylum denied every = single day.=20 We propose to start a European campaign for the <B>effective guarantee = of the=20 right of asylum</B> for all those who are persecuted for political = reasons,=20 regardless of the nature of the prosecutor. This campaign should ask the = EU to=20 adopt policies that bound the member states to uniform their systems of=20 reception and policies of integration of people asking for asylum and = refugees=20 as soon as possible. <BR><BR>We invite all the organisations and = European=20 movements which are interested in taking part to the <B>Florence = Assembly -that=20 will take place on November the 8<SUP>th</SUP> from 18 to 21 inside the = Fortezza=20 da Basso</B> - to send us their contributes. In a preparatory meeting, = on=20 <B>November the 7<SUP>th</SUP> in the Arci Centre in Piazza dei Ciompi = 11 at 12=20 am</B>, we are going to meet each other and organise the main event = together.=20 Hence, we strongly believe that everybody should immediately make both = comments=20 and criticisms to our own proposal and short info sheets on specific, = ‘local’=20 situations known to all the others. <BR><BR><BR><BR><BR></BODY></HTML>
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